NEW YORK'S PART 
IN HISTORY 



NEW YORK'S PART 
IN HISTORY 



BY 

SHERMAN WILLIAMS 

AUTHOR OF "some SUCCESSFUL AMERICANS," 

AND "stories from EARLY NEW 

YORK history" 




ILLUSTRATED 



NEW YORK AND LONDON 
D. APPLETON AND COMPANY 

1915 



n 1^ 
■wf 



Copyright, 1915, by 
D. APPLETON AND COMPANY 



Printed in the United States of America 



©CI.A410455 
SEP 15 1915 



TO 
THE NEW YORK HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION 

AND THE 

LOCAL HISTORICAL AND PATRIOTIC SOCIETIES 

THAT ARE DEVOTED TO MAKING THE HISTORY OF 
OUR STATE BETTER AND MORE WIDELY KNOWN 



A WORD OF EXPLANATION 

Every school boy knows the history of the Battle of Bunker 
Hill by heart. He has had it in story, and song, and picture 
till it has become a reality to him. He sees the British form 
in line and, in brilliant uniforms and with glistening bayo- 
nets, march up the hill in perfect alignment, only to be re- 
ceived by that withering fire that drove the survivors in con- 
fusion to the foot again. He sees them re-form and again 
march up the slope to be again received by that withering 
fire and driven back. After some hesitation and delay he 
sees them form once more and, after casting aside all that 
would encumber their progress, with that magnificent courage 
that we all so admire, march for a third time against the 
patriots, not again to receive that wasting discharge of mus- 
ketry, for the Americans have exhausted their ammunition, 
and, after firing a few scattering shots, they retire slowly 
and sullenly, contesting the ground with clubbed muskets or 
whatever comes to hand, but in the end driven from the field. 
All this the children have been trained to see as really hap- 
pening, but the Battle of Bunker Hill was not followed by 
any momentous consequences. It did not change history. 
Everything went on as though it had not occurred. The pa- 
triot forces still invested Boston, and in the end drove the 
British out. This would have happened if the Battle of 
Bunker Hill had never been fought or if it had been fought 
and the patriots had retreated at the first fire. It is not 
claimed that the Battle of Bunker Hill was of no consequence. 
That would be far from being true. It did much to hearten 
the patriots. It showed them that it was possible for them 
to withstand British regulars, but the battle was not one 
of momentous consequence. Had it been fought in the state 



viii A WORD OF EXPLANATION 

of New York it would not have occupied the prominent place 
in history that it has done. 

The year after the Battle of Bunker Hill there was fought 
in the state of New York a battle that was followed with mo- 
mentous consequences. It was the most bitterly contested 
and the bloodiest battle of the Revolution, more than one- 
third of all those engaged being either killed or wounded. It 
was the turning point of the Revolution, yet its story has 
not been generally told, and many fairly intelligent men 
have never heard of it. Many of our school histories do not 
even mention it, and most of those that do, treat it with scant 
courtesy. I allude to the Battle of Oriskany, the battle that 
settled the fate of Burgoyne. All military critics agree that 
Saratoga was one of the fifteen decisive battles of all history 
up to that time, and Saratoga was practically won at Oriskany. 

If one goes to Boston and passes through King Street, the 
scene of the so-called Boston IMassacre, he will see erected a 
tablet stating that there was spilled the first blood in the 
struggle for liberty, and this in face of the fact tliat a sim- 
ilar occurrence took place in New York some months earlier, 
the affair being known as the Battle of Golden Hill, though 
the one was not a battle nor the other a massacre, both being 
street quarrels between the patriots and the British soldiers 
in which several people M'ere killed. The two occurrences 
were similar in all material respects, and the one in New 
York has the precedence in point of time, though it has cut 
little figure in history, while the so-called Boston ]\Iassacre 
is about as well and as generally known as the Battle of 
Bunker Hill. 

Everyone who knows anything of American history knows 
the story of the Boston Tea Party, but how many know that 
there was a Tea Party at New York, one, it is true, lacking 
the spectacular features of the Boston affair, but not a whit 
inferior in the matter of the enforcement of a principle. 

The stand that the people of IMassachusetts made for the 
maintenance of political principles is known to all men, but 
how many know of the trial of John Peter Zenger in the city 



A WORD OF EXPLANATION ix 

of New York which resulted in the establishment of the free- 
dom of the press, without doubt the most important and far- 
reaching single political event in all our history? 

We all know of the famous meetings of Sam Adams and 
his friends in Boston and what they stood for, but how many 
know of the following resolutions passed by the New York 
Assembly in the first decade of the eighteenth century? 
''Resolved, that it is and always has been the unquestionable 
right of every man in this colony that he hath a perfect and 
entire property in his goods and estates." 

"Resolved, that the imposing and levying of any moneys 
upon her majesty's subjects in this colony under any pre- 
tense or color whatsoever, without consent in General Assem- 
bly, is a grievance and a violation of the people 's property. ' ' 

This was half a century earlier than the Boston speech 
of James Otis, or the Richmond oration of Patrick Henry. 

A volume might be filled with such comparisons. There 
is no desire on the part of the writer to disparage Massa- 
chusetts. She has a noble history of which her sons and 
daughters are justly proud, but New York has a nobler history 
of which her sons and daughters are not as proud as they 
should be. They are lacking in due pride because they do not 
know the history of their state. Very few of the writers of 
history have been born or educated in New York, Our his- 
tory has too long been obscured and overshadowed by that of 
New England, especially that of JMassachusetts. 

The writer of this volume will make no attempt to tell the 
whole, or even any large part, of the history of New York. 
An attempt to do that would make a work so voluminous as 
to defeat the purpose in mind, that of making the general 
reader acquainted with a few of the important events of our 
history. If the author of this volume can contribute his mite 
toward arousing a greater interest in the proud history of 
our state he will have accomplished his purpose. 



CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

I. The Indians of New York 1 

II. Sir William Johnson and the Iroquois Con- 
federacy 39 

III. The Struggle for Supremacy 58 

IV, New York Under the Dutch . • . . . . 102 
V. The Manor of Rensselaerswyck .... 136 

VI. New York as an English Colony .... 147' 

VII. Albany as a Colonial Center 188 

VIII. Indian Trails 209 

IX. New York in the Revolution 216 

X. New York in the Border Wars .... 219 

XI. Burgoyne's Invasion 241 

XII. Sullivan's Expedition 273 

XIII. Alexander Hamilton and the Federal Constitu- 

tion 283 

XIV. Robert R. Livingston and the Louisiana Purchase 299 
XV. William H. Seward and the Purchase of Alaska 314 

XVI. The Erie Canal and the Commercial Supremacy 

OF the State of New York S27 

XVII. Andrew Sloan Draper and the Public School 

System of the State of New York . . . 337 
Index 377 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 

Champlain's Drawing Illustrating the Defeat of the 

Iroquis . . Frontispiece '^- 

FACING PAGE 

Sir William Johnson 40 

Fort Johnson, Near Amsterdam, N. Y 42 

Embarkation of Abererombie 94*" 

View of Old New Amsterdam 112 

Tomb of Stuyvesant 132' 

Tieonderoga from Mt. Independence ...... 244'' 

Oriskany Monmnent ......... 25d 

Philip Schuyler 266- 

Schuylerville Monument 270' 

Alexander Hamilton 284' 

Robert R. Livingston 300 '^ 

William H. Seward 314' 

DeWitt Clinton 330'- 

Andrew Sloan Draper 338'' 

Education Building, Albany ....... 362^ 

Maps 

PAGE 

Map of Territorial Divisions Claimed or Occupied by the Six 

Nations ........... 6 

Lakes, River Courses and Places of Historical Importance . 61^ 

Map of Part of Canada and the Middle States . . . 189^' 
Map of New York State Showing Principal Lakes, Rivei-s, 

Creeks, Indian Villages, and Some Early Villages and Forts 221*^ 

Map of New York, Vennont and Western Massachusetts . 249 " 

The United States, 1800 307 " 

Map of Alaska 323"^ 

The Canal System of New York State 335 * 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 



THE INDIANS OF NEW YORK 

Two Great Groups.^ — ^We know absolutely nothing as to 
who were the first inhabitants of our state. We do not even 
know the origin of the Indians whom we found here. We 
can trace back their history positively for only a short time. 
In short and rapid steps we go back from certainty to prob- 
ability, from probability to possibility, and from possibility 
to complete ignorance. 

There seems to have been a time when all the vast terri- 
tory from the southern shore of Hudson's Bay on the north 
to Tennessee and the Carolinas on the south, and from the 
Atlantic Ocean to the Mississippi River, was exclusively occu- 
pied by a great number of kindred tribes whom we know as 
the Algonquins. When this country was first settled by the 
whites it was with some of these Algonquin tribes that they 
first came in contact. It was an Algonquin tribe that cap- 
tured John Smith. It was with another Algonquin tribe that 
William Penn made his famous treaty. The Dutch at New 
York were surrounded by Algonquins. The Pilgrims and the 
Puritans found only Algonquins in the territory that they 
settled. It was with Algonquin tribes that Champlain first 
came in contact. 

Pocahontas was an Algonquin. So were Massasoit, Sam- 
oset and Squanto. The great leaders of the Indian wars — 
King Philip, Tecumseh and Pontiac — were all Algonquins. 

Origin of the Iroquois. — But long before the coming of 
the white men the vast country that had once been occupied 

i 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

exclusively by the Algonquins had been entered by another 
aboriginal people whom we know as the Iroquois. They prob- 
ably had their origin in the far northwest, and very likely, 
were an offshoot of the great Sioux or Dacotah nation, thought 
they may possibly have had their origin in one of the nomadic 
fish-eating races that occupied some of the valleys leading' 
into Puget Sound. They seem to have begim an eastern i 
movement very early, possibly as early as the tenth century. 
This eastern movement was probably a very slow one, and 
interrupted by settlements more or less prolonged, at various 
times and places. It is probable that they remained in the 
valley of the Mississippi for a considerable period of time, 
and that while there they acquired the art of agriculture. 

Dispersion of the Iroquois People. — While the Iroquois 
were in the Mississippi Valley, a portion of them seem to have 
moved toward the southeast and occupied the country of 
northeastern Georgia, eastern Tennessee, and the western 
part of the Carolinas. We know this portion of the Iroquois 
stock as the Cherokees. Two smaller groups, known as the 
Tuscaroras and the Nottaways, went over toward the coast 
of North Carolina and Virginia. Later the Tuscaroras came 
north and settled in New York and became a part of the Six 
Nations. The remainder of the Iroquois seem to have held 
together till they reached the vicinity of Niagara. From 
this time on for a considerable period we know almost noth- 
ing of the movements or the subdivisions of this people. How 
long they remained in the vicinity of Niagara is little more 
than a guess. A portion of them whom we have known as 
the Eries, or the Cat Nation, occupied the territory south of 
Lake Erie till they were destroyed by the Senecas in 165-1. 
There was another Iroquois nation to the north of the same 
lake, known as the Neutral Nation, which also remained in 
that section till overthrown by the Iroquois Confederacy in 
1650. To the north of the Neutral Nation was another Iro- 
quois tribe known as the Tobacco Nation because they raised 
that plant, not only for their own use but for the purpose of 
trade with other Indian nations. They occupied the country 

2 



THE INDIANS OF NEW YORK 

between the Neutral Nation and the Hurons till they were 
dispersed by the Iroquois Confederacy about 1652, when 
they moved to the west. North of the Tobacco Nation, in 
the section between Lake Simcoe and the Georgian Bay, were 
the Hurons — a very numerous people of the Iroquois stock. 
They, too, were overthrown by their kinsmen, the Five Na- 
tions, 

When the Iroquois at and near Niagara began to break 
up, one portion of them passed over into the valley of the 
Susquehanna and have since been known as the Susquehan- 
nocks, or Andastes, or Conestogas, all these names being ap- 
plied to the same people. Another portion seems to have 
settled in the lake region, and became the tribes we know as 
the Senecas and the Cayugas. 

Those whom we now know as the Hurons, Onondagas, 
Oneidas and Mohawks appear to have passed into Canada, 
along the north shore of Lake Ontario, and into the valley of 
the St. Lawrence. Possibly they were one people at first and 
later became divided into separate tribes. If so, it is prob- 
able that the Hurons were the parent stock. There is some 
reason to believe that this was the case. Those whom we now 
know as the Mohawks seem to have gone farthest east. 

This, then, was the situation when the country was dis- 
covered by white men. Several groups of the Iroquois stock 
were scattered through the vast territory occupied by the 
Algonquins. It was, so to speak, a number of small Iroquois 
islands in a vast Algonquin sea. 

In the accounts of the aborigines the terms "tribe" and 
"nation" are used somewhat indiscriminately. Subdivisions 
of a tribe are often spoken of as separate tribes, and have 
different names. This causes more or less confusion. 

For a time the Mohawks made Quebec their chief town. 
Probably they were the people whom Cartier found there. At 
this time their Huron kindred were probably at Montreal. 
After a time the Mohawks drove them out and made Mon- 
treal their capital. At this time the Mohawks were at the 
height of their power and seem to have held all the country 

3 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

from the mouth of the St. Lawrence to the headwaters of the 
Mohawk. Vermont and the Adirondacks were their hunting 
grounds. 

About 1550 the Mohawks became involved in a war with 
their kinsmen, the Hurons. The latter were supported by all 
the Algonquin tribes in that part of the country. At this 
time the Mohawks were largely an agricultural people, and 
were widely scattered and therefore at a great disadvantage. 
A failure of crops for several successive seasons added the 
horrors of famine to the misfortunes of war, and in the end 
the remnant of the Mohawks was driven out of the valley of 
the St. Lawrence, and withdrew to the hill country south of 
the Mohawk River, with the center of their territory not far 
from where the Schoharie Creek empties into the Mohawk, 
Here they continued to make their home till after the close 
of the Revolution. 

The Onondagas and the Oneidas seem to have reentered 
New York from Canada at an earlier period than did the 
Mohawks. They occupied a territory south of Oswego in the 
central part of the state, the Oneidas farthest to the east. 
To the west of the Onondagas were the Cayugas, and to the 
west of them the Senecas. These four nations, being a kin- 
dred people, as well as neighbors, were naturally more or less 
bound together, not only through the ties of kinship, which 
may not have amounted to much with savages, but through 
numerous meetings, councils and alliances, though it is likely 
that at the outset all alliances were temporary. In the course 
of time there seems to have been a formal and permanent 
alliance formed between these four nations. This may have 
taken place as early as 1450. When the Mohawks entered 
the state, weakened by long and disastrous wars, they natur- 
ally sought an alliance with their kinsmen already in the 
state, for the purpose of protection from their victorious 
enemies. It is probable that the union of these five nations, 
known as the League of the Iroquois, took place about 1540. 

There are numerous accounts, more or less probable, re- 
garding the division of the Iroquois into separate nations. 

4 



THE INDIANS OF NEW YORK 

Some account of this has already been given and but little 
needs to be added. The Cayugas are believed to be an off- 
shoot of the Senecas. These people are said to have lived a 
long time on the Seneca River as one tribe. Tradition says 
that a portion of them formed a settlement on the east bank 
of Cayuga Lake, and that the settlement grew into an inde- 
pendent people now known as the Cayugas. It is said that 
another portion of the original tribe settled at the head of 
Canandaigua Lake, and that out of this settlement came the 
Seneca nation. All the Iroquois have a tradition that they 
once lived in the far west. 

Algonquin Tribe«. — Among the more important and better 
known Algonquin tribes were the Powhatans of Virginia ; the 
Delawares and the JMinisinks on the Susquehanna ; the Mohi- 
cans, Pequots, Narragansetts, Wampanoags, Pennecooks, and 
Abenakis of New England; the Adirondacks and the Mon- 
tagnais of the lower St. Lawrence Valley; the Esopus and 
Mohegans of the valley of the Hudson ; the Blackfeet, Chey- 
ennes and the Crees of the Hudson Bay territory; the 
Menominies, Kickapoos, Sacs, Foxes, Miamis, Illini, and the 
Shawnees occupying the territory between the Ohio River 
and the upper Mississippi ; the Pottawatamies, Ojibwas, and 
Ottawas of the upper Mississippi and the Lake region. These 
are only a few of the many tribes that made up the great 
Algonquin family. Of these the tribe known to the English 
as the Delawares, to the French as the Loups, and calling 
themselves the Lenni Lenapes, boasted of being the oldest of 
the Algonquin tribes, and the parent of all the other Algon- 
quin nations. This claim was allowed by the other Algon- 
quins. The Adirondacks, the tribe with whom the Mohawks 
came in contact in the valley of the St. Lawrence, was one 
of the most numerous and warlike of all the Algonquin peo- 
ple. 

The League of the Iroquois. — The idea of forming a 
league of the Iroquois nations seems to have originated with 
the Onondagas. It is claimed that an effort was made to 
bring together in this league all the people belonging to the 

5 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Iroquois stock, but only the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, 
Cayugas and Senecas responded, hence the name "The Five 
Nations." The Susquehannocks of the Susquehanna Valley, 
the Eries and the Neutrals on either shore of Lake Erie, the 
Tobacco Nation and the Hurons of Canada, and the Cher- 
okees, Tuscaroras and Nottaways of the south, did not join 
the league, though at a later date the Tuscaroras came north, 
settled just to the south of the Oneidas and joined the Five 
Nations after which the confederacy was called "The Six 
Nations. ' ' 



Salt of Md« 




MAP OF THE 
TERRITORIAL DIVISIONS 

CLAIMED OROCCDPIED 
BY 

THE SIX NATIONS 



It was, perhaps, the refusal of their kindred to enter the 
league that caused the Five Nations to have such a bitter 
hatred toward them, a hatred that cost those who declined 
the union most dearly, as will hereafter be shown. The mem- 
bers of the league knew no neutrals. They counted every 
tribe and nation as either being for them or against them. 
Those professing neutrality were counted as foes. Their 
hatred of the Algonquins, and especially their hatred of the 

6 



THE INDIANS OF NEW YORK 

Adirondacks, was probably due to their long-time warfare 
with them. Fiske says: "No enmity ever known to history 
was more deadly than that between Algonquin and Iroquois. ' ' 

The avowed purpose of the league was to do away with 
war between its members, provide for common defense 
against their foes, and eventually to do away with war alto- 
gether. Had it not been for the coming of the whites it is 
possible that the league would have done away with war by 
annihilating all their enemies. They had already gone a long 
way toward accomplishing it. 

All traditions agree that the league was formed at a meet- 
ing held on the northern shore of Onondaga Lake. Its annual 
meetings were held there in the fall but special meetings 
might be held at any time, and at any place, when properly 
called. At the origin of the league fifty sachemships were 
created. The meeting of the sachems was known as the coun- 
cil. All the affairs which concerned the league as a whole 
were regulated by this council. It had legislative, judicial, 
and executive powers. It declared war, made peace, received 
ambassadors, entered into alliances, received new members 
into the league, regulated the affairs of subjugated nations, 
and in general attended to all matters of common interest. 

Each nation was wholly independent in regard to all its 
local affairs. Its sachems looked after its welfare as did the 
council after that of the league. Within each nation each 
village was practically an independent republic regulating 
its own affairs. 

The office of sachem was hereditary, but owing to the fact 
that the line of descent was through the women and that chil- 
dren inherited through the mother only, and the further fact 
that the father and mother could not be members of the same 
clan, no son of a sachem could inherit his father's office. It 
generally went to the nearest of kin within the clan ; it might 
be to a brother or to the son of a sister, Upon the death of 
a sachem his successor did not assume the duties of his office 
until he had been ''raised up" with appropriate ceremonies 
by the sachems at a meeting of the council. Next to the 

7 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

sachems in rank and influence were the chiefs. Their office 
was not hereditary, but was given as a reward of merit, 
usually for oratorical skill or bravery in war. The number 
of sachems was fixed. This was not the case with the chiefs, 
and they greatly outnumbered the sachems. Anyone whose 
acts had merited that distinction might be made a chief. 
The chiefs were exceedingly limited in power originally 
but they gained until in some respects they equaled the 
sachems. 

While the affairs of the league were controlled by the 
sachems assembled in council, the influence of the chiefs, the 
warriors, and even the women would often make itself felt. 
The sachemships were not equally divided among the nations. 
The Senecas had eight, the Mohawks and the Oneidas nine 
each, the Cayugas ten, the Onondagas fourteen. This would 
seem to be an unfair division as the Senecas, who had the 
smallest number of sachems, were by far the most numerous 
people. But the number was of no account in the council as 
no affirmative action could be taken except by the unanimous 
consent of all the sachems present. 

Both the sachems and the chiefs were civil officers. If a 
sachem wished to go to war he must, for the time being, lay 
aside his civil office. There was no distinct class of war- 
chiefs, nor does it appear that either sachems or chiefs had 
the power to appoint such. All military operations were left 
to private enterprise and service was purely voluntary. 

War parties were organized by individual leaders and, if 
several parties united in the same enterprise, each party re- 
mained under its own leader. No one person had absolute 
command of the whole force. The general direction of affairs 
fell to the one with the strongest will or the most persuasive 
personality. As the Iroquois considered themselves as always 
at war with all nations not in alliance with them, it was law- 
ful for any warrior to organize a war party at any time. If 
some chief with an ambition to make a name for himself 
decided to lead an expedition against some of the enemies of 
his nation, he would have a war dance and call for volunteers. 

8 



THE INDIANS OF NEW YORK 

A considerable part of the Iroquois war movements were 
merely personal adventures. 

The league was planned to bind together all its members 
in the ties of kinship. Each nation was divided into clans. 
There were two groups of clans known as phratries. The 
groups were: (1) The Wolf, the Bear, the Beaver, and the 
Turtle; (2) The Deer, the Snipe, the Heron, and the Hawk. 

The nations did not all have the same number of clans, 
and the number was not the same in any one nation at all 
times in its history. At first it is probable that each nation 
had three and at no time did any nation have more than five. 
Each of the eight clans was represented in several nations. 
No marriage could take place between members of the same 
clan, even though belonging to different nations. At one time 
it was unlawful for one to marry a member of his own clan 
or a member of the same group of clans to which he belonged. 
A member of a clan regarded all the other members of his 
clan as brothers, even though they were of another nation. 
The rule in regard to marriages bound the league closely by 
the ties of kinship, as it was very common for husband and 
wife to belong to different nations as well as clans. 

In form, the league was a federal oligarchy but in effect 
it was very democratic as the sachems quickly responded to 
all popular demands. The affairs of the council were con- 
ducted in a public manner. Chiefs and warriors were often 
present at its meetings. There was no heat at the meetings 
of the council. No speaker was ever interrupted. Each pre- 
sented his own arguments only after he had carefully re- 
viewed those of all previous speakers, in order to show that 
he fully understood what had been said. This practice some- 
times made the meetings of the council tediously long. 

While the office of sachem was hereditary it did not neces- 
sarily go to the nearest male relative who was eligible. An 
unfit man would be passed over. A choice to which the tribe 
was opposed was never made. The very nature of the league 
made it necessary for oratory to play a very important part 
in its affairs. It was held in high repute and the Iroquois 

9 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

produced orators, statesmen and diplomats of no mean order. 
They were the only aboriginal people on this continent who 
did produce orators of note. Among the more noted Iroquois 
orators were Logan, a Cayuga; Red Jacket and Cornplanter, 
Senecas; and Garangula, an Onondaga. There were others 
only a little less famous. With the Iroquois, oratory and 
arms were the only roads to distinction. The council, the 
warpath and the chase made up the life of the Indians. The 
ablest orators and the most skillful warriors came from the 
ranks of the chiefs. Hardly one of note came from the body 
of sachems. This is not surprising when we remember that 
the sachems came to their office by inheritance while the 
chiefs won theirs through merit and were selected from the 
best talent of the nation. 

The summoning of a special meeting of the council was 
brought about in some such manner as follows : If an envoy 
from a foreign nation wished to present a communication to 
the council he would appear before one of the nations, the 
Senecas, for example, and present his request. The Seneca 
sachems would meet and hear his report. If they judged it 
to be a matter of sufficient importance to warrant the calling 
together of the council they would send a runner to their 
nearest neighbors, the Cayugas, with a belt giving notice that 
a meeting of the council would be held at a given time, at a 
named place, for the purpose of considering a particular 
question. The Cayugas would communicate this information 
to their nearest neighbors, and, in like manner, the news 
would be sent from nation to nation, and in an almost incred- 
ibly short time would reach every part of the confederacy. 
If the matter were regarded as one of great moment it would 
stir all the people from the Hudson to Niagara ; from the St. 
Lawrence to the Susquehanna. The hunting grounds would 
be deserted. Sachems, chiefs, warriors, women and even chil- 
dren would hasten to the place of meeting. All their ordi- 
nary pursuits were abandoned. 

In a matter of great importance there would be councils 
of the chiefs, of the warriors, of the old men, and possibly of 

10 



THE INDIANS OF NEW YORK 

the women. Each of these gatherings discussed the matter in 
all its bearings so far as their interests went. One of their 
number was selected to present their conclusions to the 
sachems. 

When the sachems were all present the ambassador from 
the foreign nation appeared before them and presented his 
message with all the eloquence and skill at his command. He 
then withdrew and awaited their action. There was no 
haste. The council would probably adjourn for a day in 
order to think the matter over. All of its proceedings were 
conducted with great deliberation. The sachems were dis- 
tinguished for the decorum, order and solemnity of their 
proceedings. There was no such thing as action by a major- 
ity. All decisions were the result of unanimous vote. JL 
single adverse vote would defeat any proposition. The 
sachems met in groups and discussed matters. Each group 
chose one of its members to report its conclusions to the coun- 
cil. Those chosen to present the conclusions of the various 
groups met and held further discussions. One of their num- 
ber was chosen to present to the council the outcome of the 
deliberations of the various groups, and present the pro- 
posed action in case there had been an agreement. The coun- 
cil, as a whole, then took action. 

All the great matters of the league were settled in this 
manner. Because of the rule requiring unanimous action the 
league took no part in the Revolution, as some of the Oneida 
sachems were opposed to it. As a result each nation acted by 
itself. In one or two cases nations were divided. This was 
the beginning of the end of the league. 

The Iroquois had an exalted spirit of liberty. Any idea 
of dependence was intolerable to them. No personal slavery 
existed. Their captives were either killed or adopted. Con- 
quered tribes were either incorporated into their nation or 
made dependent and vassal nations. The latter were often 
treated with extreme severity. Sometimes representatives of 
vassal nations were made to speak while sitting, this being 
regarded as a badge of inferiority. War was the favorite 

11 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

pursuit of the men, agriculture and the drudgery of domestic 
life being left to the women. The Indians universally be- 
lieved in witchcraft. 

Iroquois Supremacy. — After the formation of the league 
the Iroquois grew rapidly in power and influence. They 
developed a thirst for conquest and military glory. They 
began a war for supremacy. They first visited their venge- 
ance upon their old-time foes, the Adirondacks, whom they 
almost exterminated. The survivors were driven into the 
lower St. Lawrence Valley, but, even here, they were not 
safe. Some of them sought refuge on the Isle of Orleans, 
almost under the guns of Quebec, and were attacked even 
there. Iroquois war parties roamed over the whole country 
from New England to the Mississippi; from the northern 
shores of the Great Lakes to Tennessee and the Carolinas. In 
the long and bloody wars between the Iroquois and their foes 
the former had the advantage of a better organization and 
possibly were braver, but their great and inestimable advan- 
tage of position alone would have brought them victory. 
They were situated on the high ground where nearly all the 
rivers of the state take their rise, and it was but a short carry 
from the headwaters of one river system to those of another; 
hence they could quickly concentrate their whole force at any 
given point, and so overcome their enemies, one by one, by 
sheer weight of numbers. 

The Mohawk with all its branches led to the Hudson, and 
thence to the sea. The Iroquois could go up the Schoharie 
Creek and from its source by means of short carries reach the 
headwaters of the Susquehanna or the Delaware, and so reach 
any part of the country watered by those two great river 
systems. Through Lakes George and Champlain they could 
reach Canada. By the way of the Mohawk River, "Wood 
Creek, Oneida Lake and Oswego River, they could reach Lake 
Ontario and by skirting its shores, or ascending the streams 
that flow into it, they had access to a vast territory. They 
could go up the Genesee River, cross to the headwaters of the 
Allegheny and down that river to the Ohio, and along it and 

12 



THE INDIANS OF NEW YORK 

its branches reach another great extent of country. They 
could reach most of the country east of the Mississippi and 
north of Tennessee and the Carolinas, by water, with only 
short and easy carries. These great physical advantages en- 
abled the Iroquois to take their enemies by surprise, as well 
as to concentrate their forces so as to greatly outnumber 
them in every conflict. 

When Champlain fought the Mohawks at Ticonderoga the 
league was made up of the Mohawks, the Oneidas, the Onon- 
dagas, the Cayugas and the Senecas. The last named were the 
most numerous and the first the most warlike. The following 
were the leading tribes with whom the Iroquois were at war : 
to the north, the Adirondacks, the Hurons, the Tobacco Na- 
tion and the Neutrals; to the east, the Minsi and the New 
England Indians ; to the south, the Shawnees, the Delawares, 
the° Cherokees, the Catawbas, the Susquehannocks and the 
Nanticokes; to the west, the Eries, the Miamis, the Ottawas, 
and the Illini. 

Some general idea of the location of the more important 
Indian tribes of New York and vicinity, with whom the Iro- 
quois came in contact, should be in the reader's mind. 

The territory of the Pequots included all of Connecticut 
and Long Island, and extended from Narragansett Bay to 
the Hudson River. There were many small tribes on Long 
Island known by the general name of the Long Island In- 
dians. They were also known as the Meilowacks or jMeito- 
wacks. There were several small tribes on Staten Island 
commonly called the Staten Island Indians. Below Albany 
on the east side of the Hudson were the Mohegans and a 
number of smaller tribes. On the west side of the river were 
the Esopus Indians, the Catskills, the Nyacks, the Haver- 
straws, the Tappans and other tribes. Those in the Hudson 
Valley below Albany were often spoken of collectively as the 
River Indians. The Dutch called them the Mohicanders. 
The French applied the name Abenequis to all the New Eng- 
land Indians. 

All the territory from the head of the Chesapeake Bay to 

13 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

the Kittatinney Mountains, as far east as New England, and' 
as far north and west as the territory of the Iroquois, was; 
occupied by a people whom the English called the Delawares, , 
but who called themselves the Lenni Lenapes. The French 
called them the Loups. All the remainder of the state was 
occupied by the "Romans of the West," known to the Eng- 
lish as the ' * Five Nations, ' ' to the French as the * * Iroquois, ' ' 
to the Dutch as the "Maquas, " and to the southern Indians 
as the " Massawomacs. " They proudly called themselves 
" Ongwe-honwe, " meaning "men surpassing all others." 
They were also known as the "Mingoes," or "The United 
People." 

The Mohawks had four towns and one small village. Their 
oldest settlement is supposed to have been on the south bank 
of the Mohawk, a little to the east of Utica. Their most east- 
ern town was at the junction of the Schoharie Creek and the 
Mohawk. All their other towns were farther west and on the 
south side of the river. 

The Oneidas had their principal village on the south shore 
of Oneida Lake. The chief settlement of the Onondagas was 
near Onondaga Lake. The most important town of the Cayu- 
gas was on the shores of the lake to which they have given 
their name. The great town of the Senecas was on the Gen- 
esee River, about twenty miles south of Irondequoit Bay. 

As has already been stated the Five Nations regarded all 
who were not members of the league as their enemies, and, 
war being the chief business of their lives, they sought to 
exterminate their foes. Father Hennepin, who visited the 
Five Nations in 1678, said of them: "The Iroquois, whom 
the Swedes, then the Dutch, and the English and the French, 
have furnished with firearms, are reckoned at present the 
most warlike of all the savages yet known. They have slain 
the best warriors among the Hurons and forced the rest of 
the nation to join with them to make war together against 
all their enemies situated five or six hundred leagues distant 
from their five cantons. They have already destroyed above 
two million men." 

14 



THE INDIANS OF NEW YORK 

Martin D. Valires, one of the first of tlie Order of St. 
Francis to visit North America, said : ' ' The Iroquois are a 
barbarous and insolent nation that has shed the blood of 
more than two millions of souls, and are now actually at war 
with the inhabitants of Canada." The estimate of these wri- 
ters as to the number slain by the Iroquois is most absurd. It 
is doubtful if there were two million Indians in all North 
America at that time, but, notwithstanding their great over- 
statement of the facts, they furnish good evidence of the fear 
which the Iroquois had inspired and the devastation which 
they had wrought. 

From 1625 to 1700 the Iroquois waged constant warfare 
and, at the close of that period, they had annihilated, or sub- 
dued and held in subjection, all the powerful Indian nations 
within what is now the territory of New York, New Jersey, 
Delaware, IMaryland, Pennsylvania and a large part of Vir- 
ginia, Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, Illinois, Indiana and IMich- 
igan, as well as a portion of New England. They dominated 
all this vast territory, controlled the action of its inhabitants 
and settled their quarrels. The Iroquois reached their great- 
est power about 1700. They often established settlements of 
their own among their subject nations in order that they 
might more perfectly direct their affairs. Some of these 
nations, notably the Delawares, whom they called women, 
were not allowed to go to war or to exercise any civil power. 

It will be of interest to trace briefly the course of the 
Iroquois in their work of subjugating or exterminating their 
enemies. In 1628 the Mohegans, who occupied the east bank 
of the Hudson below Albany, were driven out of their terri- 
tory and over into the valley of the Connecticut, so thor- 
oughly cowed that the sight of a single Mohawk footprint 
would cause them to flee in terror crying, "A Mohawk! A 
Mohawk!" 

The Hurons lived in the country between Lake Simcoe 
and the Georgian Bay. They were nearly as numerous as the 
Iroquois, and, taken together with the Neutrals, greatly out- 
numbered them, but they lacked organization and leadership 

15 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

and therefore were disastrously beaten. According to the 
Jesuits the Hurons had thirty-two villages, four hundred 
dwellings and twenty thousand inhabitants. In 1648 the 
Iroquois invaded their country. They destroyed St. Joseph, 
the principal Huron town, and another village, killing large 
numbers and taking seven hundred prisoners. Eight months 
later they destroyed St. Louis and St. Ignace and defeated 
the Hurons in a desperate battle near Quebec. The Huron 
nation was dispersed. Some sought refuge with the Tobacco 
Nation, others with the Neutrals. Some went to live with the 
Eries, others with the Andastes. Still others went as far 
west as the jib ways and a few settled on the Isle of Orleans 
near Quebec. The inhabitants of two of the Huron villages 
joined the Iroquois. They, and they only, were safe. Those 
who sought refuge with other nations in due time suffered 
with those who gave them shelter. In 1656 the Iroquois 
attacked the Hurons on the Isle of Orleans, killed six and 
took eighty prisoners. 

The Neutral Nation, so called because they took no part 
in the war between the Hurons and the Iroquois, were at- 
tacked by the latter in 1650. The Neutrals were said to num- 
ber twelve thousand people. In the fall of 1650 the Iroquois 
captured their chief town, said to contain sixteen hun- 
dred warriors. In 1651 the Neutrals were driven from 
their homes after a fierce fight with the Iroquois. The 
slaughter of the Neutrals was enormous. The Iroquois took 
a great number of captives, who were carried into the Iro- 
quois country to be butchered or adopted, according to the 
whim of their captors. The young women were spared that 
the Iroquois towns might make good the loss of population 
in battle. The Neutral Nation was destroyed. Even distant 
towns were abandoned. In order to escape the fury of the 
Iroquois great numbers of the Neutrals fled into the forests 
where they perished from starvation. 

The Tobacco Nation which occupied the territory between 
the Hurons and the Neutrals was attacked in turn. Being 
driven out of their country they went west, and, after wan- 

16 



THE INDIANS OF NEW YORK 

dering from place to place, finally settled at Michillimacki- 
nac. From here many of them went to Detroit and San- 
dusky and, with remnants of other Indian tribes, became 
known as the Wyandots. 

In 1654 the Iroquois attacked the Fries who were sup- 
posed to have about two thousand warriors. Their principal 
fort was taken after a long and bloody struggle. The loss of 
life on the part of the Fries was frightful. The Iroquois 
suffered so severely that they were obliged to remain in the 
territory of the Fries for two months in order to bury their 
dead and nurse their wounded. The Fries as a nation ceased 
to exist. The Iroquois had now become possessed of all of 
western New York, northern Ohio, and the great triangle 
bounded by Lakes Frie, Huron and Ontario, as well as the 
northern bank of the St. Lawrence as far down as the mouth 
of the Ottawa River. They established towns on the northern 
shore of Lake Ontario. 

About 1670 the Iroquois broke up many of the settlements* 
of the New Fngland Indians. They had destroyed nations 
and spread devastation far and near. The banks of Lake 
Superior were lined with Algonquins who had in vain sought 
safety there from the fury of the Iroquois. Fven a distance 
of a thousand miles was not sufficient. The Iroquois fol- 
lowed them, and, at a place still called Point Iroquois, 
slaughtered great numbers of them. 

Of all the tribes with whom the Iroquois came in contact, 
the Andastes were the most difficult to subdue. The wars 
between these two peoples lasted for more than a hundred 
years. The Andastes were finally overthrown by the Senecas 
about 1675, and the bloody triumphs of the Iroquois were 
complete. 

In 1680 the Senecas invaded the country of the Illinois 
and compelled them to abandon their villages and flee. War 
parties of the Iroquois made inroads into the territory of the 
Miamis, and even penetrated the peninsula of Michigan. 
They seemed to be omnipresent. With a few exceptions they 
had become the conquerors and the masters of all the Indian 

17 



i 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

tribes east of the Mississippi. The fame of their achieve- - 
ments reached the Indians of the most remote tribes, and I 
everywhere they were a source of terror. The following ex- 
tract from Street's metrical romance "Frontenac" gives ai 
good idea of the impression they had made; 

Oh the Eagle is swift when he sweeps from his height, 

With his wiiig to the wind, and his eye to the light, 

Darting on, darting on through his empire of air. 

With naught to oppose him — his pathway to share; 

But the king of the sky would have drooped on his way 

Ere his wing could have measured the Iroquois sway. 

The League — the proud summit had clambered at length, 

Sought so long by their finn banded wisdom and strength; 

Their Long House extended now, spacious and high, 

The branches its rafters, its canopy sky, 

From Co-ha-te-yah's ^ full o'ceanward bed, 

To where its great bosom Ontario spread. 

The fierce Adirondacks had fled from their wrath, ' 

The Hurons been swept from their merciless path; 

Around, the Ottawas, like leaves had been strown; 

And the lake of the Eries struck silent and lone. . i 

The Lenape, lords once of valley and hill, 

Made women, bent low at their conqueror's will; 

By the far Mississippi, the Illini shrank 

When the trail of the Tortoise^ was seen on the bank; 

On the hills of New England the Pequod turned pale. 

When the howl of the Wolf ^ swelled at night on the gale; 

And the Cherokee shook in his green smiling bowers, 

When the foot of the Bear* stamped his carpet of flowers. 

The French and the Iroquois. — When the French came to 
Canada they naturally allied themselves with the Algonquins 
and the Hurons, the Indians with whom they came directly 
in contact. It was a necessity of their situation to do this, 
but in so doing they were almost certain to arouse the antag- 
onism of the Iroquois. Perhaps it was inevitable that they 

* The Iroquois name for the Hudson Eiver. 

'Names of clans. 

18 



THE INDIANS OF NEW YORK 

should do so sooner or later, but if so the inevitable was pre- 
cipitated by Champlain at Ticonderoga in 1609. As the re- 
sult of the fight at Ticonderoga, for a long period of time 
there was not a year in which there was not anywhere from 
one to a dozen war parties of Iroquois who went down Lake 
Champlain and attacked the French and the Indians in Can- 
ada. Once or twice they came near driving the French out 
of Canada and would have quite succeeded had they known 
how to attack fortified places successfully. 

It is an interesting fact that the Iroquois — who probably 
never numbered as many as twenty-five thousand, including 
women and children — because of their better organization, 
more favorable location, and possibly greater bravery, skill, 
and endurance, were able to inflict such terrible punishment 
upon the Hurons, the Tobacco Nation, the Neutrals, the 
Eries and the Andastes, their kinsmen, and upon the numer- 
ous Algonquin tribes, some of which were as numerous as 
they, and taken altogether outnumbered them many times 
over. Besides, they inflicted nearly as severe punishment 
upon the French, as they did upon the savage allies of the 
latter. The Iroquois have been called "the scourge of God 
upon the aborigines of the continent." 

Champlain's Battle at Ticonderoga. — Champlain made sev- 
eral voyages to America in a subordinate position before he 
came over in 1608 and founded Quebec. The sole purpose 
of all the French voyagers to America, before Champlain, 
had been discovery and trade. This was Champlain 's pur- 
pose also, but in addition he planned to establish permanent 
settlements and build up in this western world a great 
French empire. 

His first effort was to establish trade and convert the 
savages, the latter quite as much, perhaps, for the purpose of 
bringing them into closer and more harmonious relations 
with the French, as for the saving of their souls. The In- 
dians gave Champlain vague accounts of a great body of 
water to the south of ^Montreal, which was connected with the 
St. Lawrence River by a navigable stream, and accounts still 

19 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

more vague of another and much greater body of water to 
the westward. The hope of discovering a northwest passage 
to India had not yet passed from the minds of men and 
Champlaiu thought that these vague accounts might refer to 
the Great South Sea, as the Pacific Ocean was then called, 
and that to him might come the honor of making the long- 
sought-for discovery. 

So, when the Hurons and Algonquins sought his aid in an 
expedition against their long-time enemies, the Iroquois, he 
gladly accepted their invitation, partly that he might cement 
still more strongly the friendship between them and the 
French, and partly that he might have an opportunity to 
visit the great bodies of water of which they had spoken, 
one, no doubt, being Lake Champlain and the other probably 
Lake Ontario. 

The expedition set out from Quebec early in 1609. It 
was composed of three or four hundred Indians and twelve 
Frenchmen. They went up the St. Lawrence to the Riche- 
lieu, or Sorel River, then ascended that stream to the Falls 
of Chambly. The Indians had not told Champlain of these 
falls ; in fact, they had told him that he could sail his shallop 
all the way to the great lake. It is not clear why they should 
have deceived him in regard to this matter. Possibly they 
feared he would not go with them if he knew he would have 
to make his way in canoes from that point, a method of travel 
in which white men had not had much experience. 

For some reason, not now known, the greater part of the 
Indians refused to go farther and turned back at this point, 
but Champlain, not willing to be balked in his efforts at dis- 
covery, went on with two French companions and sixty In- 
dians. He entered the lake that bears his name on or about 
the fourth of July. What must have been his feelings on 
that occasion! Before him was a vast sheet of fresh water 
incomparably larger than any he had ever seeu or known of. 
The great bosom of the lake was dotted with beautiful wooded 
islands. Not a foot of cleared land was to be seen anywhere. 
The mountain slopes, the level land and all the islands were 

20 



THE INDIANS OF NEW YORK 

heavily wooded with a map:nificent and luxurious growth. 
Evergreens and deciduous trees were interspersed. On his 
left were the Green ]\Iountains seen in the distance through 
a beautiful light blue haze. On his right, near at hand, were 
the towering Adirondaeks. The lake over which he was pass- 
ing was known as the Lake of the Irocj.uois. The mountains 
and the valleys on either side were the favorite hunting 
grounds of the ]\Ioha\vks. He was entering the enemy's coun- 
try. 

Champlain and his party paddled up the lake in canoes, 
making their way slowly at night, and spending their days 
in the thickets on the shore, that they might not be surprised 
by some lurking body of the jMohawks who were so often on 
the waters of this lake. They proceeded in this manner till 
the evening of the 29th of July when, as they were rounding 
the promontory at Ticonderoga,^ they saw a fleet of Iroquois 
canoes and were greeted with the Mohawk war whoop. This 
was at about half-past ten o'clock in the evening. The In- 
dians had no taste for naval warfare. The IMohawks landed 
and threw up a rude barricade. Champlain 's party spent 
the night upon the water, lashing their canoes together that 
they might not be upset. 

The night was spent by the Indians in shouting at each 
other and exchanging vile epithets. In the morning Cham- 
plain's party landed and the Mohawks came out from behind 
their barricades. Each party was confident of victory, the 
IMohawks because they outnumbered the other party more 
than three to one and also because they held the Hurons 
and Algonquins in the utmost contempt. The latter were 
confident because Champlain was with them armed 
with an arquebus, and they had learned what firearms 
could do. 

The fight took place at close range as bows and arrows 
Avere not effective at any considerable distance. As the par- 
ties approached each other, Champlain went to the front and 

* There is a difference of opinion as to where this battle took place, 
some thinking that it was at Crown Point. 

21 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

advanced to within thirty paces of the Mohawks who were 
dazed by his appearance. They had neither seen nor heard 
of a white man. Charaplain wore a casque and other pieces 
of metal armor. He wore a sword and carried an arquebus 
and an ammunition box. Altogether his appearance was ter- 
rifying to the superstitious savages, but the redoubtable 
Mohawks soon recovered from their fear and surprise and 
prepared to discharge a flight of arrows. At this moment 
Champlain discharged his arquebus. He had loaded his 
piece with four slugs and fired at three IMohawk chiefs who 
were standing together. Two of them were killed and the 
third wounded. Both parties of Indians were busy with 
their bows and arrows. While Champlain was reloading his 
gun, one of his French companions fired with results similar 
to those produced when the first shot was fired. The Mo- 
hawks fled in terror, casting aside all that would impede their 
flight. Why should they not have done this ? They saw their 
companions dropping dead and could not comprehend the 
cause. Their death was associated in some way with the 
flash of light and the sound like thunder that came from the 
guns of the Frenchmen, but the Mohawks had never before 
seen a white man and they knew nothing of firearms. They 
thought that Champlain was immortal and that he had com- 
mand of thunder and lightning and that it was useless to 
contend against him. The Hurons and the Algonquins 
pursued the fleeing Mohawks, killing some and capturing 
others though the greater part of them escaped. Never 
before had the Mohawks suffered such a humiliating de- 
feat. 

At this very time Henry Hudson was repairing his little 
vessel, the Half Moon, on the coast of Maine. Early the fol- 
lowing September he sailed up the river that bears his name. 
Soon after the Dutch established a trading post at Albany, 
which was in the Mohawk country. In the meantime the 
IMohawks learned that Champlain was not a supernatural 
being and the cause of their humiliating defeat became known 
to them. They felt that they had suffered a disgrace that 

22 



THE INDIANS OF NEW YORK 

was almost beyond their powers of endurance, yet they had 
to bide their time until they had secured firearms and become 
somewhat skillful in their use. 

So the Dutch and the Indians came happily together. The 
Dutch wanted beaver skins and other peltries, and the Iro- 
quois wanted firearms and ammunition, so the exchange was 
made upon terms satisfactory to each party. 

It was to the French that the Mohawks charged their 
defeat, their humiliation, their shame and their disgrace. If 
the shot fired at Ticonderoga by Champlain was not like that 
of the embattled farmers at Concord "heard round the 
world, " it at least reverberated over a large part of this coun- 
try for a century and a half and was, perhaps, the most 
potent factor in making this country English instead of 
French, as it made the Iroquois, the most powerful Indian 
confederacy on the continent, the undying enemies of the 
French. 

The preceding pages show the nature and the power of 
the people to whom the French threw down the gauntlet. In 
antagonizing them they established a bulwark of safety for 
the people of New York and New England. The Iroquois 
were proverbial for having a good memory for injuries done 
them and for being good haters. No period of waiting was 
too long, and no journey too great, if at the end of the jour- 
ney, or at the expiration of the time of waiting, their venge- 
ance could be satisfied. Witness their following their Al- 
gonquin foes to the shores of the distant Lake Superior, and 
their waiting for a third of a century to wipe out the dis- 
grace of Ticonderoga. 

Invasion of the Onondaga Country. — In 1615 Champlain 
was induced to join the Hurons on an expedition against the 
Onondagas. The party left the Huron country in September. 
A great fleet of canoes skirted the shores of Lake Simcoe, 
crossed over to Sturgeon Lake, and down a chain of lakes to 
the river Trent, and down it to Lake Ontario. They crossed 
the eastern end of the lake and landed at Stony Point in 
Jefferson County. They secreted their canoes on the border 

23 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

of the lake and marched inland, crossing tlie outlet of Oneida 
Lake. 

A few miles to the south of the lake they reached the 
fortilied town of the Onondagas. It was surrounded by four 
rows of interlaced palisades, formed of the trunks of trees. 
The palisades were thirty feet high and had galleries pro- 
tected by a parapet of wood. Along the palisades were con- 
ductors to carry water for the purpose of extinguishing any 
fires that their enemies might be able to start. A pond 
washed one side of the palisades and the water was led inside 
by sluices, so there was always an ample supply. 

Champlain found his Huron allies unmanageable. They 
could not be held to any plan of fighting. He had a tower 
constructed that was high enough to overlook the palisades 
of the Onondagas. In this he placed four marksmen and two 
hundred Hurons pushed it close to the palisades of the 
enemy. The French marksmen soon drove the Onondagas from 
their galleries. Champlain had directed the Hurons to start 
a fire at the foot of the palisades but, instead of doing this, 
they spent their time shouting at their enemies and discharg- 
ing harmless flights of arrows. When they finally did start 
a fire, they placed it on the side opposite the wind and the 
Onondagas easily extinguished it. 

The attack had lasted three hours. Champlain had been 
wounded twice and a dozen or more of the Hurons had been 
injured. There had been no result whatever so far as the 
Onondagas were concerned. The Hurons fell back to their 
fortified camp and could not be induced to renew the attack. 
They said they would wait for reinforcements. 

Stephen Brule, the discoverer of Lakes Ontario, Huron 
and Superior, and the first white man to explore western 
New York, was with Champlain 's party at the outset, but he 
left the expedition at Lake Simcoe and went to the Andastes 
in central New York to solicit their assistance. They prom- 
ised five hundred warriors and it was for them that the 
Hurons proposed to wait. After five days the Hurons aban- 
doned the siege as the Andastes had failed to appear. A few 

24 



THP: INDIANS OP^ NEW YORK 

days after the Huroiis left, the Andastes arrived, but not 
being strong enough alone to risk an attack they returned 
without striking a blow. The expedition of Champlain was 
worse than a failure. It served only to anger the Onon- 
dagas, as the Mohawks had been angered at Tieonderoga 
half a dozen years before. 

Champlain, being unable to walk on account of his 
wounds, was carried in a wicker basket and suffered tortures 
on his homeward route. When the Hurons reached the shore 
of Lake Ontario they were greatly delighted to find that their 
canoes had not been molested. Champlain desired to return 
to Quebec by the way of Lake Ontario and the St. Lawrence 
River, a route that no white man had ever been over. As the 
Indians refused to provide him with canoes and guides, he 
was obliged to accompany them home and spend the long and 
dreary winter in the Huron country. He did not reach Que- 
bec till the following June. 

Iroquois Invasions. — The last effort of Champlain had 
added to the bitterness of the Iroquois, but they were still 
obliged to bide their time. Small bodies of them were con- 
stantly skulking about Canada but it was not until 1642, a 
third of a century after their defeat at Tieonderoga, that 
they felt themselves strong enough to make an open and 
direct attack in force. During all this time they had been 
nursing their wrath to keep it warm. Now they felt that 
they were able to wipe out their long-standing disgrace. Pos- 
sibly there was not a single savage living who took part in the 
battle of Tieonderoga, but the event had neither been for- 
gotten nor forgiven. 

Early in the morning of the 2d of August, 1642, twelve 
Huron canoes were moving slowly down the St. Lawrence 
with a party of Hurons and four Frenchmen, one of them 
being Father Isaac Jogues. "When they reached the western 
end of what is known as Lake St. Peter, where the river is 
full of islands, they kept near the shore to avoid the current. 
Suddenly the frightful Iroquois war whoop was heard, shots 
were fired, and several canoes filled with Iroquois warriors 

25 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

shot out from the shore. The Hurons were panic-stricken. 
Those in the rear boats attempted to escape. They leaped 
ashore, leaving everything behind them, and fled to the forest. 
The French, and some of the Hurons, made a brave fight for 
a time but, when they saw another fleet of Iroquois canoes 
putting out from the opposite shore, they lost heart and 
turned to flee. Father Jogues ran into the bulrushes and 
might have escaped but, when he saw his companions in the 
clutches of the savages, he had not the heart to leave them, 
so turned back to share their fate. In this encounter three 
of the Hurons were killed and twenty-two captured. The 
party of Iroquois numbered about seventy. 

The story of Indian tortures does not make pleasant read- 
ing, but it will not be amiss to give some account of the ex- 
periences of Father Jogues, as the tortures to which he was 
subjected were common to all Indian warfare, and it is well 
to know how our ancestors suffered that we might live in 
comfort and happiness in our time. Then, again, the high 
character of Father Jogues, whom Parkman declared to be 
''one of the purest characters of Roman Catholic virtue which 
this western continent has seen," makes an account of his 
labors and hardships of unusual interest. He was the first 
Catholic priest who entered the territory that constitutes the 
state of New York, or who labored anywhere within its limits. 
The Iroquois who captured Father Jogues beat him till 
he was senseless and, when he revived they gnawed his fin- 
gers with their teeth and tore out his finger-nails. They took 
their prisoners to the Mohawk towns, going through Lakes 
Champlain and George. On the eighth day of their journey 
they met a large party of Iroquois on their way to Canada. 
They, too, gathered on a small island in the southern part of 
Lake Champlain, where all the prisoners were made to run 
the gantlet. Father Jogues was the last man in the line and 
he fell powerless, drenched in his own blood. Being regarded 
as the most important of the captives, he was made to suffer 
the worst tortures. His hands were mangled again, and fire 
was applied to his body. At night, when the prisoners tried 

26 



THE INDIANS OF NEW YORK 

to rest, the young warriors would lacerate their wounds, and 
pull out their hair and beard. 

Father Jogues was the first white man to see Lake George 
which, most unfittingly, bears the name of an obstinate, 
stupid, and stolid English king, instead of that of its dis- 
coverer. In 1646, when returning to the Mohawks as a mis- 
sionary, Father Jogues named the lake ' ' Lac St. Sacrement, ' ' 
because of the purity and clearness of its waters coupled with 
the fact that he reached it on the eve of Corpus Christi. It 
continued to bear this name until rechristened by Sir William 
Johnson in 1755, more than a hundred years later. 

When the Iroquois and their prisoners reached the head 
of Lake George they landed at or near the future site of 
Fort William Henry. From this point they began their 
weary march to the nearest Mohawk town. They were thir- 
teen days on the way. Each one carried some part of the 
plunder of the party. Even Father Jogues, in his weakened 
condition, his body covered with bruises and his hands terri- 
bly lacerated, was forced to stagger on under a heavy load. 

Whea the first Mohawk town was reached the prisoners 
were again forced to run the gantlet, "the narrow road to 
Paradise," as Father Jogues called it. The French prison- 
ers were frightfully disfigured. Father Jogues 's left thumb 
was cut off with a clam shell that the ragged instrument 
might inflict more pain than a sharper tool would. At night 
the children amused themselves by placing live coals on the 
naked bodies of the prisoners. These tortures were repeated 
at each Mohawk town. At one of them Father Jogues was 
hung up by the wrists so that his feet did not touch the 
ground. One of his French companions was adopted by the 
Indians, and another was tomahawked. Father Jogues lived 
in constant expectation of death and he would have welcomed 
it. He was subjected to many indignities and made to per- 
form menial tasks. As time passed he was allowed more and 
more liberty and sometimes taken on fishing excursions. On 
one of these he went to a point on the Hudson about twenty 
miles below Fort Orange. On its return the party remained 

27 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

at Fort Orange for some time. While here, the Dutch who 
before vainly had tried to ransom him, aided Father Jogues 
to escape. He was taken to New Amsterdam on a Dutch 
vessel and soon sailed for France. He returned to Montreal 
m 1644 and two years later was sent to found a mission 
among the Mohawks. Here he was foully murdered on the 
evening of the 18th of October, 1646. 

From this time on the Iroquois were almost constantly in 
Canada. Parties of from a dozen to a hundred or more 
ranged all over the country, murdering exposed settlers, kill- 
ing men within gunshot of the forts, following parties for 
days waiting for a favorable opportunity for an attack 
haunting all trails and water routes, till in the words of a 
writer of the times "a man could not hunt, fish, fell a tree 
or till the soil in all Canada without danger of being mur- 
dered by some lurking Iroquois." In 1667 Father Vimont 
wrote: "Where eight years ago one would see a hundred wio-- 
wams, one now scarcely sees five or six. A chief who once 
had eight hundred warriors now has thirty or forty In 
place of fleets of three or four hundred canoes, we now see 
less than one-tenth of that number." It was clear that some- 
thing must be done to check the incursions of the Iroquois 
or the colony must be abandoned. 

Courcelle's Invasion.— The French resolved to send an ex- 
pedition into the ]\Iohawk country. Early in January, 1666 
Courcelle set out from Quebec with five hundred men It was 
mid-wmter when they reached Lake Champlain. The bitter 
winds swept relentlessly over the exposed surface of the lake 
and the men suffered greatly. They passed over the frozen 
surface of Lake George and across the country toward the 
Mohawk towns. The thirty Algonquins whom they had taken 
for guides became helplessly drunk at Fort St. Therese and 
lingered behind. Being without guides, Courcelle took the 
wrong trail and went by the way of Saratoga Lake. There 
was a severe storm, then a thaw, followed by very cold 
weather. They reached Schenectady on the 20th of Febru- 
ary, half starved and nearly frozen. Nearly all the Mohawks 

28 



THE INDIANS OF NEW YORK 

and Oneidas were absent on a warpath. A few stragglers 
were taken and, in a smart skirmish, one French officer and 
several of his men were killed. At this time three envoys 
from Albany appeared. They wished to know why the 
French had invaded the territory of His Royal Highness, the 
Duke of York. This was the first knowledge the French had 
that the control of the province had passed from the hands 
[of the Dutch into the possession of the English. 

The French were very unpleasantly situated. A heavy 
rain set in and there was danger that an extended thaw might 
break up the ice and so cut off their retreat. Their return 
was a precipitate movement. The Mohawks hovered in their 
rear and captured a few stragglers, but cold and famine were 
far more deadly than the IMohawks and cost the lives of sixty 
men. 

The expedition did not result as had been expected, but, 
however, it was not a complete failure. The Mohawks were 
greatly affected by it. They had felt that they were so far 
from the French that they were altogether safe from an 
attack. That comforting delusion had been completely shat- 
tered. There was much talk of peace, and Iroquois deputies 
were to be seen in Quebec in large numbers, but it is doubtful 
if they desired to do more than to lull the suspicions of the 
French. 

Tracy's Expedition. — The following October Tracy and 
Courcelle left Quebec with fifteen hundred men. They 
were not to repeat Courcelle 's mistake of attempting a mid- 
winter campaign, nor the other mistake of attempting the 
j work with too small a force. It was early in the month when 
they started for the ]\Iohawk country. Their force was so 
large that opposition on the Mohawks' part would have been 
hopeless. The little army went by the way of the lakes. 
Three hundred boats and canoes trailed through • Lake 
George, the first of many military pageants to be seen on 
those historic waters. They landed where Fort William 
Henry was afterward built. Nearly a hundred miles of for- 
est, swamp, streams and mountains, still lay between them 

29 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 



and the Mohawk towns. The march was a most exhaustin^ 
one. Tracy was seized with the gout and Courcelle had an 
attack of cramps, and hoth had to be carried. Provisions 
were insufficient and both officers and men suffered from a 
lack of food. An abundant crop of chestnuts somewhat re- 
lieved their hunger. 

They approached the lower Mohawk town in a storm of 
wind and rain. The Indians were panic-stricken. Alarmed 
by the din of a score of drums, and the seemingly endless 
line of soldiers, they fled to their next town. This in turn 
was abandoned by them as were their other villages, or castles 
as they were sometimes called. No attempt was made at 
defense. The great show of force on the part of the French 
seemed to have given the IMohawks a sort of stage fright. 
The French were greatly surprised at the strength of the 
Indian forts. The Iroquois had learned much from the 
Dutch in the matter of building defenses. All the forts, all 
the houses, some of them one hundred and twenty feet long 
with fires for eight families, a vast quantity of Indian corn, 
tools, utensils and other appliances for comfort were de- 
stroyed in the great conflagration with which the French 
closed their campaign. 

A cross was planted and at its side the royal arms of 
France w^ere erected. The troops were formed in line and 
an officer appointed by Tracy proclaimed in a loud voice that 
he took possession of all the country of the Mohawks in the 
name of the King. The French had failed to destroy their 
enemies but they hoped that cold and famine would complete 
the work that they had begun. The return of Tracy was 
accompanied with much suffering, as had been the case with 
the expedition the winter before. The autumnal rains had 
greatly swollen the streams and their crossing was a difficult 
matter. 

The Mohawks felt almost as much humiliated and dis- 
graced by the invasion of their territory and the destruction 
of their castles as they had been by their first defeat at 
Ticonderoga at the hands of the French but now as then 

30 



J 



THE INDIANS OF NEW YORK 

they were powerless and mast bide their time. Later they 
took full and bloody revenge. 

The invasion of the Mohawk country by the French not 
only made a deep impression upon the Mohawks but on all 
the other members of the league as well. They were now 
really disposed to make peace. Deputies from the Oneidas, 
Onondagas, Cayugas and Senecas appeared at Quebec. At 
first the Mohawks were afraid to go but later they sent dep- 
uties also. A peace was made that was not openly and abso- 
lutely broken for twenty years. The Jesuits es-tablLshed mis- 
sions with the Iroquois and acted both as Chris"tian mis-sion- 
aries and political agents. 

The Expedition of DenonvLlle. — After about twenty years 
of peace with the French, the Senecas began to be a source 
of trouble. Denon%'ille, then Governor of Canada, was con- 
vinced that no enduring peace could be made with the Iro- 
quois till the Senecas had been severely punished. Accord- 
ingly, in 1687, he fitted out a great expedition again-st them. 
He assembled a force of two thoasand regulars and militia 
and six hundred Indians. Never before had Canada seen 
such a sight — regulars, militia and swarms of savages of 
many nations. 

Before crossing from Canada Denonville captured two 
small fishing parties of Senecas and took them to the French 
fort where all but thirt-een died in torment at the .stake. The 
survivors were sent to France to ser\-e in the galleys, this 
being by the express order of the French King. On the 6th 
of July Denonville landed at Irondequoit Bay. He was 
joined by French and Indians from the west, bringing his 
force up to fully three thousand. From Irondequoit Bay, a 
few miles north of Sochester, Denonville set forth for the 
principal town of the Senecas. He estimated the population 
of the four Seneca villages to be from ten to fifteen thousand, 
doubtless a very great overestimate. Only about five hundred 
of the Seneca warriors were at home. These sent away their 
women and children, bnried their most valued possesions, 
burned their town, and prepared to meet the enemy. On. the 

31 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 



i 



afteruoou of the 12th of July Denonville began his march 
Four hundred men were left to guard the canoes and bat 
teaux. Officers, men, and Indians carried their provisions oi 
their backs. They marched for three leagues through oper 
forests of oak and then encamped for the night. In the 
morning the heat was intense. The men marched waist deep 
through the rank grass of the open spaces. They passed 
safely through two narrow defiles where they feared that they 
might be attacked, but fell into an ambush in passing through 
a dense thicket of cedar. A fierce fight followed in which 
the French were demoralized by fright, thrown into confu- 
sion, and saved from defeat only by the bravery and courage 
of their Indian allies, though attacked by a comparatively 
small force of the Senecas. 

Denonville would not advance any farther till he had 
restored order in his army. This gave the Senecas time to 
escape. The next day the French marched to the burned 
Seneca town and for ten days gave themselves up to the work 
of destruction. They burned three villages, destroyed an 
immense quantity of corn, and killed many hogs of which 
the^ Senecas possessed great numbers. The Indians fled to 
their kindred in the east. 

Denonville withdrew to Irondequoit Bay, then went to 
Niagara where he built a fort which he lef t^ in charge of an 
officer and one hundred men, and then returned to Montreal. 
The expedition was far from having been a complete success. 
"A converted Iroquois had told the governor before his 
departure that if he overset a wasp's nest, he must crush the 
wasps or they would sting him. DenonviUe left the wasDs 
alive. "^ 

Denonville had aroused the same intense hatred of the 
French on the part of the Senecas that Courcelle and Tracy 
had done on the part of the ^Mohawks twenty years earlier. 
The whole confederacy began to plan for revenge. The little 
fort at Niagara was the first to suffer. The men left there 
were soon in dire straits. The food left for them was unfit 
* Parkman. 

32 



THE INDIANS OF NEW YORK 

for use. The fort was so closely watched by the Senecas that 
no one dared to venture forth to fish, to hunt, or to secure 
firewood. Scurvy and other diseases soon broke out. "The 
fort became by turns a prison, a hospital and a charnel 
house." ^ When, in the early spring, a party of friendly 
Miamis entered the fort only ten or twelve men were left 
alive. 

The Great Iroquois Invasion. — Denonville abandoned the 
fort at Niagara. He had a bitter controversy with Governor 
Dongan of New York, who accused him of invading British 
territory and capturing British subjects. Dongan insisted 
that Denonville return the English and Dutch prisoners 
taken on the Lakes. This Denonville refused to do. Then 
Dongan appealed to his home government for means to build 
forts in the Iroquois country. As Denonville grew disposed 
to yield in some matters Dongan increased his demands, 
among other things insisting that Denonville return all the 
Iroquois prisoners he had taken. The controversy between 
the two governors lasted for a long time. Denonville finally 
became so anxious for peace that he was willing to accede to 
almost any terms. On the other hand, Dongan was putting 
forth every effort to prevent the conclusion of a peace be- 
tween the French and the Iroquois until Denonville had com- 
plied with every demand that had been made upon him. 
Denonville sent an agent to Albany, but nothing came of this 
effort. A very stormy correspondence between the two gov- 
ernors followed. 

In the meantime matters were in a bad way in Canada. 
The fur trade had been practically suspended for two years. 
Crops had been poor. There was widespread sickness and 
destitution. Iroquois incursions were frequent. All these 
things were working together for the ruin of Canada. Every- 
where above Three Rivers the settlers had abandoned their 
farms and were living in stockaded forts. The Iroquois 
roamed through the deserted country burning buildings, cap- 
turing and killing stragglers and waylaying convoys. Nu- 
1 Parkman. 

33 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

luerous small war parties caused universal panic. The wasps 
that Denouville had failed to kill made their stings felt far 
and wide. After many attempts at negotiation had failed the 
storm broke. 

Early on the morning of the 5th of August, 1689, a vio- 
lent hailstorm broke over the St. Lawrence just above Mon- 
treal. Hidden by the darkness of the storm and unnoticed 
at the early hour, fifteen hundred Iroquois w'arriors landed 
at La Chine, and surrounded the little village. Suddenly the 
awful war whoop sounded and then began the most frightful 
massacre in all Canadian history. Houses were burned and 
men. women and children were butchered, A man who es- 
caped carried the news of the attack to a nearby stockade 
post and then ran on to ^Montreal six miles away. 

Within three miles of La Chine there were two hundred 
regulars commanded by an officer by the name of Subercase. 
As soon as he heard of the attack he started for La Chine 
with his whole force. On his way he was joined by about 
one hundred armed citizens. He learned that the Iroquois 
were encamped just back of a piece of woods about a mile 
and a half away. He immediately started to attack them. 
Had he been allowed to carry out his intention he would 
probably have been successful and ended the invasion then 
and there, and possibly have broken the power of the con- 
federacy forever, as the Indians had become hopelessly drunk 
on the brandy found in the traders' stores at La Chine, and 
were not in condition to offer an effective resistance, but, as 
Subercase was about to enter the woods, he was ordered back 
by Vandreuil who had just come from IMontreal with the 
most positive orders from Denonville to act strictly on the 
defensive. 

The next day a detachment of eighty soldiers was but- 
chered in full sight of Fort Roland. Not a man escaped. 
Montreal was wild with terror. For two long months the 
Iroquois wandered at will over Canada burning and killing 
without once meeting an}' opposition, though the soldiers and 
the militia together greatly outnumbered them. All Canada 

34 






THE INDIAN'S OF NEW YORK 

sfrfrr-A \r. :.:^':-. h>^- ^^VT^J.jvjr^^ ^'^h f^^r. At tbe eloae of two 
r:: ',.'*.'.-. >,::^r ?.>, ..^^v -.. i^.- i-, '...^v ;.-, ,.d do », dertroyed all 
e".:^:::^-. of etrUhztMrn timm^nemt Canada, ei^rpt in forti- 
fied places, tite Iroqacm leimrdtf ' * - em j iu g 
Willi tfaem niiielj priioiias and / -, tfian a 
thwwand of tibe FrendL On tiiei.' ^hr<^ 
BMS, timoe bda^ dmnk wliea tik^ ; dM 
not beeone sober tfll taken h^r ft^ ■-. In> 
qEKW luid been follf rcfr^ifed. 

A HaK far Oe Ctficrt af yry York.— Ii. :->/> Froii- 
lenae waa again aoit to Canada to r<;p;^^ tr.ft inetfi/r-eiit 
I>e»»niO& A ^an of faaqiaigB a^aiart tiie 'Smi^aA. bad 
teen agreed i^on be&se Fnwtenae left Fraae^ AH ^k 
forces in Canada, aided hf two Aq^ of war, were to take 
p ^oararion of tte coioiij of New Torit A tiiooaand nesnlais 
and six Imndred Canadian aulitia wexe to poMK tiwoog^ Ld^KS 
Cbaa^bin and 6eof9^ aerooi to the ISttSmn ISirer aad down 
it to ASbesr^. At Albany all tihe lirer txaft were to be takem 
and Uk wb^ foieev b^oiid wbat waa mteiemaary to bald fkat 
place, was to Heat down ti^ Ibidsen to New Tovk, fw war 
Teasels ware to endae ^ tibe wmmSk «i fke baobor tfll sig- 
r./ port in an attad^ on fket titj. As fken wem 

c. ; .'ei ^^im g; wmM m New Yr.?5: if. wsat exp*wfed 

: be eaai^ takan. 

vnideaee in 0ie s&ee^as «^ tkas ntoTe' 

ere an wwbied onL AJfter baviag ea|^ 

tnred >^ York, aE si^plies of ams and aaoni' 

c> froaa fke Irof o iir and, wben fli^ 

- -V-' p fiwff iwiw , ^tejr w m M be ejsitj 

New . . : off fessa tite o0Kr rslaaiifi^ 

c: > CaflMfies fMBid 

.^,.. ,i aOegianee to tiie 

^ ^ere to Be fr»e froai sriesCatianL AH fte 

^-^ . --:ies wb0 toak am 

G^ 'granted to tiK 

-t " - eolon^. 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

held for ransom. All property, public and private, was to be 
seized, a portion given to the French officers and men, the 
remainder to be sold, and the proceeds given to the King. 
Mechanics and other workmen might, at the discretion of the 
commanding officer, be kept as prisoners, put at work on the 
fortifications or given other work to do. The remainder of 
the inhabitants — men, women and children — were to be sent 
out of the country, some to New England, others to Penn- 
sylvania or to other places, so dispersed that they could not 
combine in any attempt to recover their country and their 
property. To make matters more secure, the nearest New 
England settlements were to be destroyed. 

It was at least possible that this plan might have been 
carried to a successful conclusion but for the fact that when 
Frontenac reached Canada the Iroquois had just left the 
country after their long and destructive invasion. They had 
left behind them terror and dejection. At their demand 
Denonville had caused the destruction of Fort Frontenac. 
All the people were shut up in fortified places. Farms had 
been devastated, buildings burned, crops destroyed and do- 
mestic animals killed, Frontenac had quite enough to do 
to restore order and tranquillity, and to look after the Iro- 
quois, without attempting an invasion of New York. The 
Iroquois had saved the colony a severe contest in which the 
outcome would have been in doubt. 

The success of the great Iroquois invasion made many of 
the Algonquin tribes waver in their loyalty to the French, 
and some of them to make overtures to the English through 
the Five Nations. The Iroquois incursions into Canada con- 
tinued after the coming of Frontenac. Many of the French 
were killed and the inhabitants of all Canada were kept in a 
condition of terror. 

It was clear that some effective means must be taken to 
check the Iroquois if the colony were to prosper or even to 
endure. Therefore, in the winter of 1693, a party of seven 
hundred French and Indians set out equipped with snow- 
shoes and all other necessary supplies for a winter campaign. 

36 



THE INDIANS OF NEW YORK 

They reached Schenectady after a inarch of the severest 
hardships. It was then the 8th of February. They captured 
the lower Mohawk castles without difficulty and took three 
hundred prisoners. They then returned to Canada, being 
pursued by Major Peter Schuyler and a party of Albany 
militia. The Mohawks were greatly alarmed and quite dis- 
heartened. This was the third time that the French had 
invaded their territory. Still the Iroquois were not ready 
for peace, therefore Frontenac determined to strike another 
and a more severe blow. 

In June, 1696, Frontenac assembled at La Chine all the 
force he could muster — regulars, militia and Indians. They 
left La Chine on the 4th of July and reached Frontenac on 
the 28th. From this point they crossed Lake Ontario to 
Oswego and marched into the Onondaga country. Notwith- 
standing Frontenac had an overwhelming force, and put 
forth every possible effort, he only succeeded in destroying 
the crops of the Indians. The Onondagas burned their vil- 
lage and fled to the forest. They were not even dispirited. 
They followed Frontenac on his return march and cut off all 
stragglers. The French suffered more as the result of this 
expedition than did the Indians, as nearly all the available 
French settlers were on the expedition, and the growing of 
crops was neglected. In September, 1697, a treaty of peace 
between France and England was signed which put an end 
for the time being to all warlike movements in America. 

In preparing the preceding chapter the following authorities were 
consulted and acknowledgments are hereby rendered for the assist- 
ance received : 

Beauchamp, W. M., Histoi-y of the New York Iroquois. 

Benton, Nathaniel, Histoi-y of Herkimer County. 

Brodhead, John R., History of the State of New York. 

Clark, J. V. H., Onondaga. 

Clinton, DeWitt, The Indians of New York. 

Danforth, Elliott, The Indians of New York. 

FiSKE, John, Dutch and Quaker Colonies in America, 

Halsey, Francis W., The Old New York Frontier. 

37 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Ketchum, William, Buffalo and the Senecas. 
Morgan, Lewis, The Lea^ie of the Iroquois. 
Parkman, Francis, Count Frontenac and New France. 

, Half-Centui-y of Conflict. 

, The Jesuits in North America. 

, Montcalm and Wolfe. 

, Old Regime in Canada. 

, Pioneers of France in the New World. 



Stone, William L., Joseph Brant, 

, Life of Sir William Johnson. 

Collections of the Historical Society of New York City. 
Magazine of American History. 



II 

SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON AND THE IROQUOIS CONFEDERACY 

Anyone who appreciates the part that the Iroquois Con- 
federacy played in the history of our country, and the re- 
markable influence of Sir William Johnson with that con- 
federacy, will readily see that the history of our country, 
and especially the history of the Colony of New York, would 
be very incomplete and imperfect without some account of 
this strong, forceful, dominating and unusual character. 

The Iroquois Confederacy was a buttress of defense that 
protected not only the New York frontier, but, to a large 
extent, that of New England and Pennsylvania as well, from 
the attacks of the French and their Indian allies. Without 
this buttress our history might very easily have been quite 
different from what it is. Although the early attacks of 
Champlain made the Iroquois the natural foes of the French, 
there were times in which they wavered in their loyalty to the 
English, and it is more than probable that they would have 
allied themselves with the French long before the overthrow 
of French power in this country, had it not been for the influ- 
ence of Sir William Johnson. 

Johnson was a part, and a very important part, of the 
early history of our state, and we cannot fully understand 
that history without a careful study of the part that Johnson 
had in it. He was born in Ireland in 1715, his father being 
an officer in an English cavalry regiment and his mother a 
sister of Sir Peter Warren of the Royal Navy. His parents 
wished him to enter either the army or the navy, but he pre- 
ferred to study law, which he did. His uncle, Sir Peter 
Warren, took a great fancy to him and just before his nephew 
was ready to take his bar examinations offered him the man- 

39 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

agement of a large tract of land in America, which had come 
to him as a dowry with his wife, Avho was the daughter of 
Stephen DeLancey. The estate was in the eastern angle 
formed by the junction of the Schoharie Creek and the ]\Io- 
hawk River. 

Young Johnson was to manage the estate as though it 
were his own and was given power to buy, sell or develop. 
He sailed for America late in the summer of 1737, and spent 
the winter in New York with his aunt, the wife of Sir Peter 
Warren, the latter being one of the wealthiest men of the 
colony. "VYhile here he naturally met many of the noted men 
of the colony and formed acquaintances who were of great 
value to him in later years. 

In the spring of 1738 he went to take charge of his uncle's 
estate, which was in the heart of the ]\Iohawk country. The 
only white persons there were a few Germans, mostly Indian 
traders. Johnson was to clear the land, manufacture to some 
extent, and trade with the Mohawks. To succeed, he must be 
on good terms with the Indians and he needed to know their 
language if he were to operate under the most favorable cir- 
cumstances. "Within two years he was able to speak both the 
German and the Mohawk languages, and, in a few years, he 
knew all the Iroquois languages or dialects so that he had no 
need of an interpreter. This was of great advantage td him. 

For the first five years he lived at Warrensbush, a settle- 
ment that long ago ceased to exist. For tAvo years he lived in 
a log hut that was as free to the Indians as to himself. This 
was always the case with his home, whether in the log hut at 
Warrensbush, the stone house at Akin, or the Hall at Johns- 
town. He was always honest in his dealings with the Indians, 
one of the very few white men who were. At his burial an 
old sachem said: "Sir AYilliam Johnson never deceived us." 
Because he was always honest in his dealings with the In- 
dians he had the first choice of all the furs they had to sell 
and the advantage of their friendship which manifested itself 
in many ways. 

Johnson improved his uncle's estate and sold about two- 

40 




Sib William Johnson 



SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON 

thirds of it at a large profit, in farms of from one hundred 
and fifty to three hundred acres each. At the death of his 
uncle, Johnson inherited all the land that had not been sold. 
About two years after coming to this country Johnson pur- 
chased a tract of several thousand acres of land on the north 
bank of the Mohawk, extending from the outskirts of the 
present city of Amsterdam to the village of Akin. At the 
latter place he built a massive stone house that is still in a 
good state of preservation, though it has been built about one 
hundred and seventy-five years. It is now owned by the 
Montgomery County Historical Association. "When the house 
was built there was not even a highway through the valley; 
now more than two hundred and fifty trains of cars pass the 
house each day carrying thousands of passengers and a vast 
quantity of freight. 

Johnson was the first Englishman to settle in the Mohawk 
Valley west of the vicinity of Schenectady. When he first 
came to this country. New York City had only about five 
thousand inhabitants, Albany not more than five hundred 
and Schenectady was a small hamlet. At Akin, Johnson 
built a gristmill and a sawmill, the latter having a capacity 
of fifteen hundred feet of lumber a day. He did much to 
develop the valley. He brought over some sixty families of 
Scotch-Irish, gave each family a tract of land, and had com- 
fortable cabins ready for them when they arrived. Later he 
induced a considerable number of German refugees to settle 
on his tract. 

When the IMohawks made Johnson a chief they gave him 
a tract of land containing nearly seventy thousand acres. It 
extended from East Canada Creek to West Canada Creek 
including the site of the present city of Little Falls and the 
village of Herkimer. This grant was confirmed by the King 
and was known as the "Royal Grant." 

Johnson imported horses, cattle, sheep, and other domes- 
tic animals in order to improve the breed. He encouraged 
the clearing of the land and the development of the country. 
He accumulated what was, for that time, very great wealth 

41 



NEW YORK'S TART IN HISTORY 

and was one of the prominent men of the colony during^ the 
quarter of a century preceding the Revolution. He has, not 
unfitly, been called the father of the colony of New York. 

The domestic life of such a man as Johnson is always a 
matter of interest, especially when, as in his case, the domes- 
tic and public life are so intermingled that one throws light 
upon the other. Soon after going to Akin, Johnson married 
Catherine Weisenberg, a German girl, by whom he had three 
children — one son and two daughters. The son was the Sir 
John Johnson who was so active in the IMohawk Valley during 
the Revolution. One of the daughters married Sir Guy John- 
son, her cousin; the other married Daniel Clans, one of the 
Palatines and a noted Indian fighter. 

Johnson understood the Iroquois as no other white man 
ever did. He knew their language, their character, their 
ways of living and thinking, and understood the meaning of 
their various acts, and manner of doing things almost as well 
as they did themselves. It was his business to keep the Iro- 
quois loyal to the English, not always an easy task, for often 
they were neither well nor wisely treated by the colonial gov- 
ernment and were commonly cheated by the Indian traders. 
There were times when the skill and ingenuity of Johnson 
were taxed to the ntmost to pacify the natives. It is pretty 
certain that he would have failed on more than one occasion 
but for his intimate relations with the ]\Iohawks. It is rea- 
sonably certain that his relations with Molly Brant were 
largely determined by the influence which that relation would 
give him with the Iroquois and especially with the IMohawks. 

Soon after the death of his wife, Johnson made Caroline, 
the daughter of Chief Abraham, his housekeeper. At her 
death seven years later, she was succeeded by Molly Brant, 
the sister of the noted chief, Joseph Brant. "While Johnson 
never married either of these women, the IMohawks regarded 
the relation as a lawful one, it being in accordance with 
their customs, but in his will Johnson speaks of "my beloved 
wife Catherine," and "my housekeeper ^lolly Brant." The 
latter outlived Johnson. They seem to have lived together 

42 



SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON 

very happily. Johnson always treated her with great respect 
and insisted that everyone else should do the same. She was 
a remarkable woman and never appeared to disadvantage in 
any society. 

The Indians felt more at home with Johnson because he 
had an Indian woman at the head of his household than they 
could possibly have done otherwise. This added greatly to 
his influence with the Mohawks, who adopted him and made 
him a chief of their nation. At this time he lived the life 
of an Indian, wore their garb, joined in their games, attended 
their festivals and took part in their orgies. 

Johnson acquired a tract of about twenty-six thousand 
acres of land in the vicinity of the present city of Johns- 
town. About 1760 he built a home there which was known 
as Johnson Hall. At the time of its erection it was the 
largest and the finest mansion west of the Hudson River. 
The first Masonic Lodge west of Albany was organized at 
Johnstown and its meetings were held in Johnson Hall, in a 
back room on the second floor. It was there that Brant was 
made a Mason. Two blockhouses were erected near the Plall, 
one of which is still standing. 

Johnson was very fond of outdoor life. He held "sports' 
days" at Johnstown for his tenants. He invited the Indians 
to the Hall to play their games. He also held an annual fair 
at which he awarded many prizes. 

Johnson as Indian Commissioner. — Johnson saw that the 
Indians were being cheated on every hand, so, when he was 
offered a place on the Board of Indian Commissioners, he 
gladly accepted. The board was made up of five members, 
one of whom the law required to be a clergyman. Some of 
the members lived so far from the Indians that they had very 
little interest in them; others gave very little attention to 
their duties. Through resignations and new appointments 
the board soon came to be made up of men who could be 
relied upon to attend to their duties and see that the Indians 
were treated fairly. Dishonest traders were dismissed. The 
sale of liquor to the Indians was forbidden. Missions and 

43 



NEW YORK'S TAUT IN IIISTOHV 

inissiou schools wore ostablishocl. At ono time there were 
twenty-six men iu the jail at Albany serving sentences for 
the violation of the Indian anti-liquor law. 

Johnson managed the Indian affairs so well that the Gov- 
ernor made him sole Indian Commissioner for the colony. 
Johnson claimed that the Indians were generally honest and 
said that he had furnished luuitiiig outfits for Indians living 
in the extreme western part of the state and other remote 
points, and that they never failed to return and pay for what 
had been furnished tliem. as soon as they were able to do so. 
Johnson favored furnishing the Indians with good guns, 
which was contrary to the custom that had been followed^ 
saying that without good guns they could not be effective 
allies. 

During the preparation for an invasion of Canada, John- 
son advanced large sums of money from his private funds. 
He also advanced considerable sums at council meetings, cus- 
tom making that necessary to success in dealing with the 
savages. At one time he had advanced nearly $50,000, a very 
large sum of money for those times. This the Assembly was 
slow to repay and unpleasant remarks were made. This Avas 
not because the members of the Assembly were personally 
opposed to Johnson, but because he was an appointee of a 
governor to whom they were opposed. When the sums ad- 
vanced by him were finally repaid he resigned his office. 

As soon as the Indians heard of his resignation they called 
a council of their chiefs and went to Albany to consult with 
the Governor. At this interview King Ileudrick, represent- 
ing the Mohawks, said : 

We have come to consult our brother Corlear (the name the In- 
dians gave to all tlie governors) in relation to Colonel Johnson. We 
have just heard that he has resigned. When the war was breaking- 
out, your Excellency recommended him to us and you told us that we 
might consider anything that he said as being- said by youi-self. So, 
as we had no hand iu his appointment, we have done nothing- to 
induce his resignation. Judge, therefore, the shock we felt when he 

44 



SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON 

sent us a belt of love and peace with a letter saying that he had 
resigned and would be our superintendent no more. We cannot ex- 
press our feelings. He must come back to us. No one can take his 
place in our hearts. We can never learn to believe the words ot 
anyone as we believed him. You, or if you cannot, then our Great 
Father, the King, must make him come back to us. We cannot get 
along without him. 

Captain Montour, speaking for the Senecas, said : 

i Our nation is hard to control. There are many good Senecas and 
also many bad ones. But all love Colonel Johnson, all believe what 
he says, and all-good and bad alike— will listen to his words and 
have faith in his promises. His tongue Ls not forked. He always 
speaks with one tongue. In peace, he was like a fertile field that 
raised com and pumpkins and beans. In war, he was like a tree 
that grew for us to bear fruit, but now seems to be falling down, 
though it has many roots sunk deep in the soil of our affection, our 
confidence and our esteem. His knowledge of our affairs, our laws, 
and our language, made us think be was not like other white men, 
but an Indian like ourselves. Not only that, but in his house is an 
Indian woman, and his little children are half-breeds as also I am, 
your Excellency knows-only I am a French half-breed and Colonel 
Johnson's little children are English half-breeds. We understand 
that he declines to return to his office. This makes us afraid you will 
have to appoint someone in his place who does not know us— some 
person who is a stranger to us and to our affairs. We, therefore, ask 
you to compel him to resume his office of superintendent or, if you 
cannot compel him yourself, to send a letter asking our Great Father, 
the King, to compel him. We know that he will obey the King. 
Please tell the King, if you write him, that we want Colonel Johnson 
over iLS, and no one else. He has keen ears and hears a great deal 
and what he hears he tells to us truthfully. He also has sharp eyes 
and sees a long way ahead, and conceals nothing from us. 

With the exception of the Iroquois, the English made 
enemies of all the Indians with whom they came in contact, 
and it was due to Johnson, whom the Iroquois loved, that 
they too were not antagonistic. Every effort was made to 

45 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

induce Johnson to resume the office of Indian Superintendent 
but without avail. He declared that he would have no rela- 
tions with "that factious and mali^ant majority in the 
Assembly." He finally agreed to accept temporary appoint- 
ments from time to time to settle special difficulties. No one 
was ever appointed in his place. 

In the fall of 1753, when it had become apparent that the 
French and English would soon clash, there came alarming 
rumors of the presence of many French missionaries among 
the Senecas, and a general discontent among the western Iro- 
quois. The Governor was so disturbed by these reports that 
he induced Johnson to go into the Seneca country in the 
early winter, a time of year that made the journey a very 
severe one. At the principal town of the Senecas Johnson 
found Captain Joncaire, a French half-breed, who bore much 
the same relation to the Indians in the interest of the French 
that Johnson did in the interest of the English. Johnson 
remained at Kanandaigua for a week and satisfied himself 
that there was no unrest among the Iroquois except in case 
of a few of the western Senecas at Niagara. On his return 
Johnson stopped at the principal Cayuga and Onondaga 
towns. 

In 1755 Johnson was made General Superintendent of 
Indian Affairs for all British North America. No other Eng- 
lishman ever attended as many Indian councils as he did, 
and he was far more influential at these councils than any 
other man who ever represented the colonies. Dr. Wheelock 
says: "I have seen at Mount Johnson, and also at Johnson 
Hall, sixty to eighty Indians at one time, lodging under tents 
on the lawn and taking their meals from tables made of pine 
boards spread under the trees. They were delegates from 
all the Indian tribes." 

In 1749 Johnson arranged for and managed a great coun- 
cil at Albany, consisting of the governors of the New Eng- 
land colonies, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Vir- 
ginia, and representatives from the Indian tribes friendly to 
the English. There were present at this council seven colonial 

46 



SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON 

governors with their staffs, the Indian superintendents of 
Virginia, Pennsylvania and New York, and thirty Indian 
chiefs of high rank. Not only were the Iroquois represented 
but also the Delawares, Shawnees, Mingoes, AVyandots, Adi- 
rondacks and the "River Indians." Man}- of the Indians 
brought their wives and children. Governor Clinton gave 
them all new clothes and gaudy ornaments. Never had the 
Indians received such an ovation. Rarely had Albany wit- 
nessed such a sight. The council was very successful and 
the Indians returned to their homes pronounced allies and 
friends of the English. 

Again in 1754, late in June, there met at Albany dele- 
gates from New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New 
York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Maryland to form what 
may be regarded as the First Colonial Congress. They were 
to consider plans for acting together in the approaching war. 
There were delegates present from the Six Nations, the Dela- 
wares and the River Indians. A resolution was passed calling 
upon the King to appoint Governor Shirley of Massachusetts 
commander-in-chief of the colonial forces. It was agreed that 
the colonies should raise and maintain a force of twenty-five 
thousand men. It was also agreed that Virginia and the Car- 
olinas would be regarded as doing their full share if they 
defended their own frontiers. Three commissioners were 
appointed to go to England and present the situation to the 
King and his ministers, and ask that at least twelve thousand 
regulars be sent to this country, as well as a fleet strong 
enough to blockade the St. Lawrence and cut off all com- 
munication between France and Canada. The Indians agreed 
to furnish a thousand picked warriors if Johnson were made 
their commander-in-chief, and to raise six hundred additional 
warriors to defend Oswego against any attack by the French. 
The congress adjourned subject to the call of Governor Shir- 
ley. 

In 1755 General Braddock summoned a council of colonial 
governors to meet with him at Alexandria, Virginia. All the 
colonies except South Carolina and Georgia were representee^ 

47 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

either by their governors or their lieutenant-governors. John- 
son and Franklin were present by special invitation. At this 
meeting Johnson was appointed General Superintendent of 
Indian Affairs for all British North America. A plan of 
campaign was agreed upon. Johnson was to lead a movement f 
against Ticonderoga and Crown Point. 

On Johnson's return home he summoned a council of the > 
Iroquois and announced his appointment as Indian Commis- 
sioner. The Indians were greatly delighted and the news 
spread like wildfire. Within ten days, more than a thousand 
Indians had gathered at IMount Johnson, the largest number i 
that had ever met with a white man for the purpose of coun- 
seling with him. Johnson was taxed to his utmost to feed " 
this great number of people and had to call upon his well-to- 
do neighbors for twenty miles around for help The council 
was a great success. The Indians promised to raise a thou- I 
sand warriors who were to be under the command of King ' 
Hendrick. An account of this expedition, as well as all the 
military movements with which Johnson was connected, will 
appear in connection with the story of the long struggle be- 
tween France and England for the control of North America. 

In 1744 Johnson established a trading post at Oghwaga 
on the Susquehanna near the present village of Windsor in 
Broome County. Here he was free from the competition that 
he would have had to meet on the northern or western fron- 
tier, or any point on Lake Ontario, or on the western trail. 
Oghwaga was on the great southern trail which was made 
more popular by the establishment of this post. It was a very 
important post during the border wars. The village of Ogh- 
waga had been in existence for two hundred years before 
Johnson established his trading post there. At this time it 
had about one hundred lodges that, in character, were much 
above the average Indian dwellings. The population was 
made up of representatives of every Iroquois tribe. The 
Indians of this village are Oiten spoken of as a distinct tribe, 
probably because they had lived by themselves so long a time. 
The name of the village is spelled in many different ways as 

48 



SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON 

is commonly the ease with Indian names of places. The rea- 
son is clear enough. The Indians had no written language 
and there were several languages and a great number of dia- 
lects. The whites learned the names by sound and then at- 
tempted to represent these sounds. With each language, and 
it might be each dialect, the sound would differ. Then some 
came to us through the English, others through the Dutch or 
French, so there could hardly help being a great confusion. 

In applying for a license to trade at Oghwaga Johnson 
said: "I wish to create this trading post not any more for 
the profits it may bring me than to show by actual example 
that trade with the Indians can be conducted honestly as 
well as any other commercial business." 

Within a few years Johnson drove out of business a horde 
of rascals who had been robbing the Indians of the Susque- 
hanna Valley, and the territory tributary to it. Speaking of 
the treatment of the Indians, Parkman says: "The Five 
Nations were robbed by land speculators, cheated by traders 
and feebly supported in their constant wars with the 
French." 

In writing to Governor Clinton in 1744, Johnson said: 
"You can make a pretty good and generally faithful fellow 
of an Indian by simply treating him fairly in business and 
helping him along now and then when his natural indolence, 
or improvidence, or bad luck, has brought him to straits." 

In June, 1748, Governor Clinton appointed Johnson 
Colonel-in-Chief of the Albany County militia with full 
power to arrange matters as he chose. His reorganization of 
military affairs was so effective that no change was made till 
the Revolution. At that time Albany County included all 
the colony of New York north and west of the counties of 
Dutchess and Ulster, and the whole of the present state of 
Vermont, making a great territory to be protected from the 
attacks of the French and the Canadian Indians. 

A brief review of the conditions existing at that time will 
make clearer the difficulties with which Johnson had to con- 
tend. In 1752 the adult white male population of Canada, 

49 



NEW YORK'S TAUT IX HISTORY 

iiu'lniiiii'x tlio troops statioiu'ii thoro, was loss than twenty 
thousand. At the saino tinio tho adult white male population 
of the English colonies was fully two hundred thousand — ten 
times that of Canada — yet with this great disparity of ninn- 
bers. it was nuiny years before the iMiglish were able to drive 
the French out of the count i-y even with the aid of many 
thousand English regulars. There were reasons for this. 
The Knglish diil not get on well with the Indians. They cov- 
eted their lauds. They established colonies on the land thatj 
once belonged to, and was still occupied by, the natives. These 
settlements were growing more and more numerous. Ou the 
other luuul. the French did not colonize to any great extent. 
They simply garrisoned Camula. The French mingled freely 
with the hulians, were friendly to them, and many of them, 
took Indian wives. These things were not true in the case of 
the English. Consequently, in all the struggles between the 
French and the English, the former had the active support 
of all the Indian tribes, with the exception of the Iroquois, 
and would in the end have had theirs also but for the iutlu- 
ence of Johnson. AVith the support of the Iroquois the 
French would have been moi-e likely to have driven the Eng-** 
lish out of the country than to have been driven out by them.'^ 
The intluence of the French half-breeds was very great. They 
were more effective in warfare than even the French regu- 
lars. They were to be found in every tribe and were scat- 
tered throughout the whole country east of the lilississippi 
and sometimes even farther west, and they were exceedingly | 
loyal to France. The inHuence of the Jesuits was a tremen- 
dons force which, of course, was always exerted in the inter- 
est of the French. Against all these intluences Johnson had 
to contend. j 

There was a controversy between Johnson and Shirley as 
to the appointment of the former as Indian Connnissioner, 
Shirley claiming to have been the means of his appointment 
and therefore his superior, but this controversy was ended 
when, in 1756, the Crown directly appointed Johnson "Agent, 
Sole Superintendent of the Six Nations and all other Indians 

50 



SIR WTTJJAM .TOTTNSOX 

inha?jitinr^ Britisli territory nortli of tlif; Carolinas and the 
Ohio River." IIo was given a salary of £G00 and a like sum 
for expenses. 

When the English lo.st Oswego the Six Nations sent a 
large delegation to the Governor of Canada for the purpose 
of making peace. They claimed that they had agreed to help 
the English only in ca.se the latter prosecuted the war vigor- 
ously, which they had utterly failed to do. The Six Nations 
had some reason for thinking that the P>ench were to be the 
victors and that they would be obliged to make peace with 
them, and that it would be the part of wisdom to make it 
early when they would probably be able to make better terms. 
Braddock had been disastrously defeated by a force much 
smaller than his own. Shirley, Loudon, Winslow and Aber- 
crombie had all failed. The last, with the largest, finest and 
best equipped army that this continent had ever seen, was 
not only beaten by a force less than one-third as large as his 
own, but he abandoned a great .stretch of territory to the 
French which he might easily have held. Then came the 
affair of the cowardly AVebb. So matters went on for two or 
three years, the "gloomiest, dreariest years in the hi.story of 
the British Empire. Corruption and imbecility seemed to 
have joined hands to mismanage the affairs of the empire." 
Why should not the Six Nations have felt that the future 
belonged to the French? 

After the loss of Oswego the barrier which the Six 
Nations had interposed was withdrawn. The frontier was 
exposed to the fury of the Canadian Indians, as the Six Na- 
tions were neutral and indifferent. Streams of hostile sav- 
ages were on every hand and numerous murders were com- 
mitted. ]Men were shot down within a stone's throw of 
Schenectady and small war parties hovered around Mount 
Johnson hoping to .secure John.son or his scalp. 

Johnson never gave up hope though of all the Six Nations 
only the Mohawks had longer any feeling of loyalty to the 
English. Sir William summoned the Six Nations to meet him 
at Fort John.son on the 10th of June. All the nations except 

51 



NEW YORK'S PART JN HISTORY 

the Oneidas and Tusearoras wore represented. The great 
iii(hi(>iieo of Jolinson eiiahhnl liim to ovorooine the elTect of 
llu' stupidity of the Kno-lish eo.ninaiuU.rs and the machina- 
tions of the French, aiui win back tlie loyalty of the Con- 
federaey. 

These were troublesome times for Johnson but he did not 
despair. In a letter to the Duke of Cumberland, which John- 
son requested the l)uk(« to sliow to his father, the King, he 
said: "But, beside all other ill efVects of our reverses during 
these two years past, is the very important consideration that 
they have weakened our alliance with the Six Nations, almost 
to the breaking point. The Indian respects nothing so nuich 
as power and success and nothing so little as apparent Aveak- 
ijcss and reverses." 

In the fall of ITf.S, after the turn of the tide in favor of 
the English, a number of the Seneca, Cayuga, and Onondaga 
chiefs nivited Johnson to meet with them in a grand council 
at Onondaga Castle. th.> capital of the Confederacy. This 
Johnson declined to .!,. b.it, in turn, invited them to meet 
with hnn at JMount Johnson. They accepted his invitation 
and the bond between them and Johnson was again strength- 
ened. 

The surrender of Montreal in September, 1760, closed the 
French and Indian AVar. Here, again, the prudence and 
sagacity of Johnson made themselves felt. He knew that the 
English would make, a great efVort to get control of the fur 
trade of the northwest. He feared that an effort would be 
made to disturb tlie relations between the Indians and the 
French missionaries and that such a movement might arouse 
the distrust and. i),)ssiMy, the animosity of the Indians, and 
^ ^'< nnder such circumstances the French priests might use 
their great inliuence to foment trouble. Therefore, he urged d 
that the existing relations be disturbed as little as possible I 
»"d that the daily life of the Indians be allowed to go on as || 
before. This advice was followinl with the result that the 
French soon bc-came loyal and faithful British subjects 
Early in July, ITOl, Johnson made an extended visit to 

52 



SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON 

the west, {joiug: as fur as Detroit. On his way he stopped al 
the prineipal viHages of the various Indian tribes that had 
served niult^' him, hohlinti: councils and distributing;- medals. 
At Detroit he held a series of councils lasliuj:: cijihlccu liays, 
meeting: eaeh tribe separately. 

For two years there was peace in all quarters, then cauio 
the sudden and uncxjXH'ted outbri'ak of Tontiac. Johnson, 
for the first tinu> in all his experience witii the Indians, Avas 
taken wholly by surprise, llis first intiniaticui of trouble was 
the attack on Detroit— the strou<j:est post west of Niapira. 
At almost the same nionuMit a stronji: force made up of Shaw- 
nees, Wyaudots. IMianiis. l)t>lawares ami IMiuii'oes invested 
b'ort Pitt. The Ottawas. the Ohio hulians, and some rene- 
i^ade Senecas nuuh> st'vt'ral unsuccessful attempts against 
Niajjara. The f(>ebly j^-arrisoncHJ posts of Leboeuf, Veiuiufj^o, 
I'resque Isle, St. Joseph, JMaunu'c, Mackinaw, Sandusky and 
St. INIary's were all captured and their garrisons butchered. 
Hardly a man escaped. 

Innnetliately after Pontiacs attack on Di'troit. Sir William 
calUul a council of the Six Nations at («ermau l^Matts. All 
the nations sent delegati^s, except the Senecas, who openly 
espoused the cause of Pontiac. The other nations agreed to 
remain neutral and to permit the passage of troops through 
their territory. Had the Six Nations been a unit in the sup- 
port of Pontiac it is probable that Detroit, Niagara and 
Oswego would have fallen and not only the whole northwest 
been lost to the British, but the whole New York frontier 
woukl have been ravaged by the Iroquois, as Canada was in 
lt)89. That is what would probably have oceurivd but for 
the influence of Johnson. 

"What is known as the Devil's Hole Massacre occuri-ed on 
the 14th of September, 1763. A sergeant and twiMify-four 
men had escorteil a party to Fort Schlosser just above the 
Falls and ou their return they were attacked by live hundred 
Senecas and all but three killed. The firing was heard at 
Lewiston and two companies of Colonel Wilmot's regiment 
were Scut to ascertain what the trouble wtis. They, too, M'ere 

53 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

ambushed and all massacred except eight men. Then the 
whole force was sent to the rescue and found only mangled 
corpses. The Seneeas had regarded the Niagara carry as 
their privilege and when, after the final defeat of the French, 
it went into the hands of the English and they derived no 
revenue from it, they were greatly offended. When Joncaire, 
under the French, had conducted it, the Seneeas shared the 
profits with him. 

A great council was held at Niagara in July, 1764, to 
settle difficulties growing out of Pontiac's war. More than 
two thousand warriors were present, including representa- 
tives from all the Ohio and western tribes who had taken 
part in that w^ar. Most of the southern tribes were repre- 
sented also, as well as the Six Nations. The Seneeas did not 
dare to come till they were assured of fair treatment, as they 
thought Johnson would not forgive them for their part in the 
war. 

On the 18th of July Johnson concluded a treaty with the 
Ilurons who agreed to deliver up all their prisoners within a 
month, to abstain from all future hostilities, to regard as 
enemies all tribes who were hostile to the English, to guard 
the water route from Lake Erie to Detroit, and to cede to 
Great Britain the land on both sides of the strait from their 
village to Lake St. Clair. The Seneeas made a similar treaty 
and ceded a strip of land to the British, extending from 
Lake Ontario to Lake Erie. This strip was four miles wide 
on each side of the river. 

The last great act of Sir William Johnson was the nego- 
tiation of the Fort Stanwix Treaty. The council was held 
at Fort Stanwix (Rome) in October, 1768. More than three 
thousand Indians were present representing the Six Nations 
the Shawnees, the Delawares, and the Seneeas from Ohio' 
The council opened the 24th of September with the usual 
ceremonies. The making of the treaty occupied several 
weeks. Several of the states were represented but the inter- 
ests of the English were looked after solely by Sir William 
Johnson. Great preparations had been made for feeding the 

54 



SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON 

Indians and providing them with presents, an absolutely 
necessary provision for an Indian council. Sixty barrels of 
flour, fifty barrels of pork, six barrels of rice, and seventy 
barrels of other provisions were sent to the place of meeting. 

The following line of division between the territory of 
the white men and that of the Indians was agreed upon. The 
line started from a point on the Allegheny River a few miles 
above Pittsburgh, and ran in a northeasterly direction to the 
head of Towanda Creek, down that creek to its junction with 
the Susquehanna River, up that river to Owego, then across 
the country in a southeasterly direction to the Delaware 
River at a point a few miles below Hancock, then up the 
Delaware to Deposit. From this point the line ran north, 
across the hills to Unadilla, up the Unadilla River to Una- 
dilla Forks, thence northwest to Fort Stanwix. For all this 
vast territory the Indians were given $50,000. This was a 
most important treaty and it is quite probable that it wholly 
changed the history of our country. The Indians had become 
very restless because of the encroachments of the whites and, 
but for this treaty, it is almost certain that a general Indian 
war would have occurred in which case we would have been 
obliged to call on England for aid in subduing the savages. 
This certainly would have postponed the Revolution and 
might have prevented it altogether. The deed granted as the 
result of the Fort Stanwix Treaty bears the date of Novem- 
ber 5, 1768. 

During the few years immediately following the treaty, 
considerable trouble arose due to the fact that the whites did 
not observe its provisions. All along the line they crossed 
into the territory sacredly set aside for the sole and exclusive 
use of the Indians. The latter protested in vain. The gov- 
ernment was either powerless to enforce the provisions of 
the treaty or it did not care to do so. The feeling on the 
part of the Indians grew so bitter that Johnson called a 
council to meet at Johnson Hall. On the 7th of July, 1774, 
nearly six hundred Indians gathered there. Johnson was 
nearly worn out with long-continued strenuous work. His 

55 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

old disease, dysentery, from Avliieh he had suffered period- 
ically, attacked him in severe form. He had usually obtained 
relief by going to the seashore but now it was impossible for 
him to leave. The council opened on the 9th. On the 11th, 
Johnson spoke for more than two hours with great force and 
earnestness. The effort was too much for him. He suffered 
a relapse and died early that evening. 

There have been statements to the effect that he com- 
mitted suicide because he knew that a war between the col- 
onies and the mother country was near at hand, that it would 
be impossible for him to be neutral and he could not bear to 
choose between Great Britain that had greatly honored him 
and his adopted country which he loved. There is no good 
ground for believing that Johnson took his own life. Such a 
course would have been wholly inconsistent with his charac- 
ter. That he dreaded the coming conflict is no doubt true. 
AVhat his course would have been is uncertain. That his in- 
fluence would have been very gi-cat is apparent. 

The character of Johnson has been greatly misunderstood. 
It is a somewhat common idea that he was ignorant and coarse 
but the facts do not warrant either statement. One needs to 
remember that ideals of life have changed and that many 
things that were common in the best society of that time 
would not be tolerated now. One should be judged by com- 
parison with the men of his time. Johnson had not had the 
advantage of a thorough training in the schools but, for his 
time, he was a Avell-read man and possessed an excellent 
library of about two thousand volumes, among which were 
such works as: The Complete Works of Sir Isaac Newton, 
Chambers' Dictionary. Battles of Alexander the Great, Rod- 
erick Random, The Gentleman's Magazine, and the Faynihj 
Magazine, History of the Prince Eugene, Experimental 
Philosophy, Reign of William the Third, History of France, 
Life of Louis XIII, Life of Queen Anne, Life of Peter the 
Great, The Prophet Mohammed (in Latin), Translation of 
the Koran (in Latin), and many others of like character. 
He had a standing order witli a London bookseller for "all 

56 



SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON 

new books on history, philosophy and the lives of men worth 
reading about." 

Though a member of the Church of England Johnson was 
both liberal and generous toward other denominations, as is 
witnessed by his building several chapels for his Lutheran 
neighbors. 

Johnson was a man of wonderful adaptability, strict in- 
tegrity, and untiring industry. He was a wise and prudent 
counselor, both courageous and cautious, and these qualities 
were exercised more for the good of his country than for his 
own prosperity. The province of New York was what it was, 
and acquired the prominence and preeminence that came to 
it, more through his efforts than through those of any other 
man. 

In preparing the preceding chapter the following authorities were 
consulted and acknowledgments are hereby rendered for assistance 
received : 

Benton, Nathaniel S., History of Herkimer County. 

BuELL, Augustus S., Sir William Johnson. 

Campbell, William W., Annals of Tryon County. 

CoLDEN, Cadwallader, Histoi-y of the Five Nations. 

Halsey, Francis W., The Old New York Frontier. 

Morgan, Lewis H., The League of the Iroquois. 

Parkman, Francis, The Conspiracy of Poutiac. 

, Ilalf-Century of Conflict. 

, Montcalm and Wolfe. 

Reid, W. Max, The Mohawk Valley. 

, Old Fort Johnson. 

Stone, William L., Life of Joseph Brant. 

, Life of Sir William Johnson. 

Collections of the Historical Society of New York City. 

Magazine of American History. 

Proceedings of the New York State Historical Association. 



Ill 

THE STRUGGLE FOR SUrREMACY 

Because of the discoveries of Columbus, Spain claiuied all 
of the New World except the eastern part of Brazil. The voy- 
age of John Cabot was made the basis of the P^nojlish claim to 
the whole Atlantic Coast from Labrador to the Carolinas. 
The French claimed the valley of the St. Lawrence, the re- 
grion about the Great Lakes and the whole of the grt>at 
]\Iississippi Valley because of the voyages, explorations and 
discoveries of Cartier, Champlain, LaSalle and others. The 
Dutch claimed the country from the Connecticut Biver to the 
Delaware, basing their claim on the voyage and discovery of 
Henry Hudson. The Swedes claimed a small territory on the 
Delaware. These overlapping and conflicting claims were 
destined to be the source of controversy and contiict. 

For some reason Spain never made any serious attempt 
to enforce her title to any territory along the Atlantic Coast 
north of the Carolinas. The Dutch under Stuyvesant drove 
the Swedes from the Delaware and they, in turn, were obliged 
to surrender all their American possessions to the English in 
1664. This left the final struggle for supremacy between the 
French and the English— a struggle that lasted for a century 
and the outcome of whieh greatly changed the history of the 
world. 

Chancellor Kent, in speaking of the part taken by New 
York in this struggle, says: 

Whenever war existed between Great Britain and France, the 
Province of New York was the principal theater of colonial contest. 
It became the Flanders of America and it had to sustain, from time 
to time, the scourge and fury of savage and Canadian devastation. 

58 



THE STRTJGGIJ: lOii SI I'JtK.MAf V 

We uccA only to cast an eye upon our f^eo^fraphical pf^ition, and 
read the affecting details of the formidable exj^editions, and the 
frightful incurfdons, which laid waste to our northern and western 
frontiers between 1G90 and the conquest of Canada in 1760, to be 
deeply impressed with a sense of the difficulties which this colony 
had to encounter and the fortitude and perseverance with which they 
were overcome. The leading men who swayed the House of Assembly 
or directed the pojjular voice, never wanted valor and virtue adequate 
to the crisis. 

In this great struggl^i more was involved than at first 
appears. It was not merely the French agairts-t the English. 
It was a struggle hetween greatly differing forms of civiliza- 
tion. As Parkman has well exprr^ssed it, "it was feudalism 
against democracy ; Popery against Protestantism ; the sword 
against the jjlowshare ; the issTie was long in doubt hecaase it 
was union confronting di\Tsion; energy confronting apathy; 
military centralization opx>osed to indastrial democracy." 

What a diversity of races, religioas, interests, and condi- 
tions entered into the .struggle for the control of "The Great 
Warpath!" There were Indians, French, and English. 
There were Protestants, Catholics and jj^gans. There was 
the best blood of Old England, the Highlanders from Scot- 
land, the courageous and impulsive Irish, the finest and the 
most despicable of the French, the provincials from the 
various English colonies, the Canadian inhabitants and the 
representatives of half a hundred Indian tribes. 

Here were heard the whir of the arrow, the crack of the 
rifle and the roar of cannon. Here were seen the light birch 
bark canoe and the hea\y keel boat- Here all extremes met. 
The struggle was a long and bitter one. There could be no 
compromise. It was a struggle that could end only with the 
complete overthrow of one of the parties concerned. It was 
a struggle for the possession of a country that was destined 
to form an important part of a nation not yet bom — one of 
the greatest nations of the world. 

The long route from the Hudson Biver to ^lontreal was a 
warpath from prehistoric times till the close of the Be^'olu- 

59 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

tion. Nearly every foot of it is historic ground. Here, in the 
early days, the Algonquins and the Iroquois struggled for 
possession. Here civilized men joined with savages in a 
struggle for the same territory. Here reechoed the sound of 
the war whoop and the call of the bugle. Here were seen the 
tartans of the Highlanders, the brilliant scarlet uniforms of 
the British, the less showy dress of the French, and the varied 
garb of the provincial troops and, mingled with all, were 
savages in their war paint. Here was the carnage of battle, 
the butchery of captives, the torture of prisoners, the murder 
of women and children, the horrors of the siege, and the 
terrors of plague. Here were the cultured Jesuit priests and 
the uncouth, uncultured and unfeeling savages. 

The French were established in Canada; the English in 
New England, New York, and along the Atlantic Coast. 
Lakes George and Champlain were two great links connecting 
the valley of the Hudson with that of the St. Lawrence, and 
this was the strategic territory coveted by each nation. It 
was along this route that the greater part of the fighting took 
place, and New York became the scene of a long and bloody 
struggle. 

The territory of the French completely surrounded the 
English territory on the landward side. Albany, Niagara 
and Montreal were at the angles of a strategic triangle. Os- 
wego was the important point on Lake Ontario from which 
Niagara, Frontenac and IMontreal might all be easily and 
quickly reached by water. Fort Stanwix, on the narrow 
strip of land between "Wood Creek and the headwaters of the 
Mohawk, commanded the route from the INIohawk to Oswego. 
Fort Edward on the Hudson commanded the carry to Lake 
Champlain and also that to Lake George. There was another 
fort, known as Fort Anne, at the junction of the Half-Way 
Brook with the Wood Creek that flows into Lake Champlain. 
It was at the highest point of land on the water route from 
New York to Montreal, a distance of about 350 miles, and it 
had an elevation of only 147 feet above sea level. The Hud- 
son River was in the only low-lying, wide-open gap in the 

60 



THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY 

whole Appalachian system. There is no other similar gate- 
way between the Gulf of St. Lawrence on the north and the 
Gulf of Mexico on the south. The influence of the physical 
geography of New York on both military and commercial 
affairs is discussed elsewhere. 




The French hoped to keep the English restricted to the 
narrow territory that they occupied on the Atlantic Coast and 
eventually even to drive them from that. On the other hand 
the English were bent on pushing inland. The attempt of 
the English to establish themselves in the Ohio Valley, and 
the movement of the French into the valley of Champlain, 
precipitated a contest that was sure to come some time. 

There were three phases of the French and English strug- 

61 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

gle— one for the possession of Acadia, another for northern 
New York and New England, and a third for the west, espe- 
cially the valley of the Ohio, and the country around the 
Great Lakes. New York having the gateway to the west 
through the Hudson and Mohawk valleys, and the gateway 
to the north through Lakes George and Cliamplain, felt the 
burdens and faced the dangers of this long struggle as did 
none of the other colonies. 

In the great struggle which took place the advantage of 
numbers lay with the English but in all other respects the 
French were favored. The English were divided into many 
independent and jealous colonies while the French were a 
unit. There was no one who had the power to compel the 
English colonies to act together, and they rarely did so, but 
the French Governor of Canada was supreme and the French 
were united in a desire to build up a great New France in 
America. The English colonies were not only jealous of each 
other but each one distrusted its royal governor and, except 
HI the presence of immediate danger, were far more likely to 
hinder than to help him in his efforts to provide for the com- 
mon defense. 

Having briefly sketched the conditions that existed in 
America at the opening of the great struggle for supremacy, 
matters will be taken up somewhat in detail, giving most 
prominence to those movements in which New York was most 
directly concerned, but sufficient attention to others to give 
a fairly accurate and clear picture of the struggle as a whole. 
It may add to the clearness of the picture if the various 
movements are discussed in the order in which they occurred. 
1609.— AVhile Champlain's fight with the Mohawks at 
Ticonderoga was no part of the great struggle between the 
French and the English, it nevertheless had much to do with 
the outcome and may, in a certain sense, be regarded as the 
first act in the great drama. 

1629.— In 1628 Sir AVilliam Alexander and Gervase Kirke 
were principally instrumental in fitting out an expedition 
against Quebec. Letters of marque were issued by the King. 

62 



THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY 

Kirke 's oldest son was in command of the fleet, and two other 
sons held subordinate positions. On the 10th of July a mes- 
senger from Kirke demanded the surrender of Quebec, which 
was promptly refused by Champlain. A few days later Kirke 
fought the French fleet under Roquemont and captured or 
sunk every vessel. Satisfied with this exploit he returned to 
England but the next year he again sailed for Canada. On 
the 20th of July he again appeared before Quebec with a 
force that Champlain was unable to resist. Kirke planted 
the Cross of St. George as a token that the whole country 
belonged to the British. A vast territory was easily taken 
and as lightly given up as King Charles, for personal finan- 
cial considerations, soon returned the country to France by 
means of a treaty. He needed the money on account of his 
struggle with Parliament. This act of his resulted later in 
involving both Great Britain and her American colonies in 
bloody and extensive wars extending over a century. It was 
one hundred and thirty years after this capture of Quebec 
before the French were driven out of Canada. 

1690. — This year Fronteuac sent a force of two hundred 
and ten men, nearly one-half of them Indians, against Al- 
bany. Unmindful of the experience of Courcelle, twenty- 
four years earlier, they set out in the dead of winter. When 
they reached Ticonderoga the Indians insisted upon knowing 
where they were being led, and when told that they were to 
attack Albany, they strongly objected, and when Schuyler- 
ville was reached they took the trail leading to Schenectady 
instead of keeping on toward Albany. After some vain re- 
monstrances the French followed them. Albany was de- 
fended by cannon and the Indians always dreaded to attack 
a place so protected. 

Schenectady was the most western English outpost. It 
was only thirty-seven miles from Schuylerville, but it took 
the French and Indians nine days to go that distance. A 
heavy thaw had set in and they waded knee-deep through the 
snow and slush. Before they reached Schenectady a sudden 
-phange in the weather took place. It grew extremely cold, 

63 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

the wind blew bitterly and great quantities of snow fell. The 
trail became almost impassable. When they approached the 
town they were chilled and benumbed with cold and nearly 
exhausted with their exertions. They had been twenty-two 
days on their way and were in such condition that they 
thought seriously of surrendering as the only means of sav- 
ing their lives, but when their scouts brought word of the 
defenseless condition of the little town they planned an 
attack. 

The people of Schenectady had heard that the French 
were planning a movement against them, but they thought it 
wholly impracticable for men to march several hundred miles 
in midwinter through deep snow, carrying their supplies with 
them. Then the Leisler troubles had caused division. The 
people in Schenectady favored Leisler while those of Albany 
were opposed to him. A lieutenant and a few men were 
stationed at Schenectady, but as they were under the orders 
of the Albany authorities, the people of Schenectady were 
opposed to them and would not cooperate with them in any 
way. The officer was unable to maintain any discipline out- 
side the blockhouse and his advice was sneered at. To show 
their contempt of the soldiers and their fears, the settlers 
would not keep anyone on guard or close their gates for the 
night. They expressed their derision of the soldiers and their 
contempt for the precautions the officer urged by making a 
snowman at each gate to keep guard against what they be- 
lieved to be an imaginary foe. There was little order or dis- 
cipline. Dearly did the inhabitants pay for their divisions, 
lack of wisdom and recklessness. 

The village was surrounded by a palisade that had two 
gates, one opening to the east and the other to the west. 
There was a small blockhouse near one of the gates where 
the few soldiers in the village were stationed. The French 
and Indians reached Schenectady on Saturday, the 8th of 
February, about eleven o 'clock in the evening. In order that 
every house might be attacked at the same moment the French 
divided their force into small parties. At a givien signal the 

64 



THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY 

doors of all the houses were burst open. Not a person knew 
or suspected the presence of an enemy till the horrible war 
whoop was heard. Lieutenant Talmadge commanding the 
blockhouse made a stubborn defense, but the little structure 
was soon set on fire and he and all his men were killed or 
captured. 

For two hours there was a scene that beggars description. 
Houses were set on fire and the settlers massacred. There 
was an indiscriminate murder of men, women and children. 
There were scenes too horrible to be described. Schuyler in 
his report of the affair, said : ' ' No pen can write and no words 
can express the cruelties that were committed." 

Eighty or ninety of the inhabitants were taken prisoners. 
Sixty were killed : thirty-eight men and boys, ten women, and 
twelve children. Those who escaped death and capture fled 
through the snow toward Albany, nearly naked. They suf- 
fered severely from exposure, several losing limbs. Simon 
Schermerhorn, one of the fugitives, though severely wounded, 
rode to Albany and gave the alarm, reaching the city at day- 
break. 

A number of Mohawks were at Schenectady at the time 
of the attack, but none of them was harmed, as one of the 
purposes of the expedition was to disturb the pleasant rela- 
tions existing between the English and the Indians and to 
attach the latter to the French. 

Of the eighty houses at Schenectady all but two were 
burned. As soon as the news of the massacre reached Albany 
a party of horsemen set out but they reached Schenectady too 
late, as the French and Indians had already begun their 
return to Canada. 

Five hundred and fifteen men, three hundred and thirty 
of them furnished by New York, gathered at Albany on the 
30th of July, 1690. They were commanded by Fitz-John 
Winthrop of Connecticut, who brought one hundred and 
thirty-five men with him. The remaining fifty were fur- 
nished by ]\Iaryland. This force was to move against Mon- 
treal, cooperating with Sir William Phips, who was to attack 

65 



NEW YORK'S PAH r IX HISTORY 

Quebec by soa. Tlioro was so luueh sioknoss in Winthrop's 
eonmiand that ho wont no farthor than Wliitohall. bnt Cap- 
tain John Sohnylor askod and obtainod porniis^iion to go ou. 
Forty white mon and ono hundred Indians voluuteered to go 
with him. They surprised La Prairie, killed some of the in- 
habitants, took a number of prisonoi*s and destroyed eou- 
sidenible pi*oporty. This expotiition is noteworthy chiefly 
because it was the tii-st armed force of white men to enter 
Canada fi*om the colonies by the way of the Lakes. Captain 
Schuyler was the grandfather of General Philip Schuyler. 

1691.— This year Peter Sohuylor. the ^Mayor of Albany 
and brother of Captain John Schuyler, who led the expedi- 
tion into Canada the year before, set out ou the 21st of June 
with less thau three hundred mon. about half of whom were 
Indians. He foUowcil the route taken by his brother the 
previous year. At La Prairie he met and defeated a force 
twice as large as his own. destroyed the ci*ops of the French, 
and began a retreat to his boats. Before reaching them he 
was met by another force sent to intercept him and a very 
stubborn and bloody tight followed. Frontonac said it was 
the most hotly contested engagement ever fought in Canada. 
Schuyler succeeded in reaching his boats and making his way 
back to Albany, but forty of his men were killoil and a large 
number wounded. The French suffered still more severely. 
These two expeditious of the Sohuylei*s were very important 
because they Mere instrumental in retaining the loyalty of 
the Five Nations, who had begun to waver because of the 
ability, energy and success of the French. With the Indians 
all things were measured by success or failure. Peter Schuy- 
ler, who led the last expedition, was a groat friend of tlie 
Indians and a groat favorite with them. It was he whom 
they called "Quidor. *' being unable to pronounce his given 
name. Bancroft calls Peter Schuyler "the ^Vashington of 
his times.'* 

1698. — The depredations of the ^Mohawks in Canada con- 
tinued to be so persistent, and so disi^strons to the French, 
that Fronteuac resolve<.l to punish them seveivly. Toward the 

OG 



TIIK STlUKUiLK FOR SIII'RKMAC^Y 

ond of January, l(i!);{, an expedition consist iiij;- of six luin- 
di'od and twcnty-tivo men, mostly Indians, marelied soutli- 
ward over the route tluit from time immemorial luid been 
tlie tlioroujj^lifai'e of Indian war })arties. After a journey of 
sixteen days, tliey i-eaclied tiie two lower IMoluiwk towns, eap- 
tured both of them, burned one, and confined tlieir prisoners 
in the other. Ro far they met witli no resistance. They ap- 
proached the tiiird town in the evening and liid in the forest 
till midnight. The Mohawks had no suspicion of danger and 
no sentinels were on watch. One of tlie Caiuidian Indians 
climbed the palisades and, finding all the inhabitants asleep, 
opened the gates and let his companions in. A severe fight 
took place but it lasted only a short time. Twenty or thirty 
IMohawks were killed and nearly three hundred, mostly 
women and children, taken prisoners. 

A poi'tiou of the Indian allies of the French refus(>d to 
take any furthei- part in the campaign against the Mohawks, 
so a retreat was begun. In the meantime, Peter Schuyler 
had gathei-ed a force of five or six hundred men, some of 
them Oneidas, and api)eared on the scene. The French hastily 
constructed a fort of the Iroquois pattern. Schuyler attacked 
them and there was severe fighting without any decisive re- 
sults. Schuyler's force, which had been iiastily gathered and 
had no stock of provisions, was soon suffering for want of 
food. In the nKuintime the French foi-ce escaped under the 
cover of a severe snowstorm. As soon as a supply of pro- 
visions was secured, Schuyler started in pursuit of the 
French whom he overtook, but they declai'ed that if they were 
attacked they would kill all their prisoners, and this prevented 
their being molested further. 

The French made their way back to Canada, suffering 
terribly, though no foe pursued them. AVhen tliey reached 
Lake George they found that the melting ice had become so 
weak that it would not b(>ar them, so they were obliged to 
make their way along the pathless shores, through the forest 
and thick undwbrush, over the rough ground, and through 
the melting snow. AVhen they reached Lake Champlain they 

G7 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

found that tlie piovisions that tliey had left there had rotted. 
Starvation stared them in tlie face. They scraped away the 
snow to search for chestnuts and beechnuts. They boiled 
their moccasins for the little nourishment that they could 
furnish. When they reached Canada, they were worn, weak 
and starved. They had endured great suffering and barely 
reached home alive. 

This was the last party, made up chiefly of Indians, that 
passed over this famous warpath. From that time on it was 
a struggle between the French and the English, in which 
white men took the principal part, though the Indians were 
still a factor of no small importance. 

1700. — The condition of affairs just preceding what is 
known as ''Queen Anne's War," should be understood in a 
general way in order to fully appreciate the attitude of New 
York. The province had been a bulwark of defense to the 
colonies to the south of her, though these had borne but little 
of the expense. During five years of war, Virginia, Mary- 
land, East Jersey and Connecticut had contributed only 
£3,501. Massachusetts gave nothing but she had her hands 
full in defending her own borders. At this time New York 
and New England were in no condition to carry on a war. 
Their resources had been nearly exhausted. Their soldiers were 
ragged and their forts dilapidated. But for Schuyler, Liv- 
ingston and Van Courtlandt, who advanced their own private 
funds, and were never repaid, the soldiers of New York would 
have been without rations. The Five Nations, who had be- 
come very distrustful, were greatly disturbed and filled with 
fears because the French told them that they were English 
slaves not English subjects, and that the King of England 
had ordered the Governor of New York to poison them. Such 
French soldiers as Joncaire, Maricourt and Longueit, and 
such Jesuits as Bruyas, Lamberville and Vaillant played most 
skillfully upon the fears of the Five Nations and not without 
some degree of success. 

Governor Bellomont of New York tried to allay the fears 
of the Indians and told them that the Jesuits were "the 

68 



I 



THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY 

greatest lyars and impostors in the world." As the result of 
this controversy there was a French party and an English 
party in each Indian town. The French influence was the 
greater with the western nations and the English with those 
of the east. The French Jesuits made some converts in each 
of the nations, particularly among the Mohawks. They in- 
duced these converts to remove to St. Louis and Caughna- 
waga, a little above Montreal, where their descendants are 
still to be found. They were known as Caughnawagas, or the 
Praying Indians. 

1709. — Samuel Vetch went to England to ask aid for the 
purpose of conquering Canada. He made a favorable impres- 
sion on the British authorities and was promised a squadron 
and five regiments of regular troops. New England was to 
raise twelve hundred men and join in a movement against 
Quebec by the way of the St. Lawrence. New York, New 
Jersey, Pennsylvania and Connecticut were to raise fifteen 
hundred men for the purpose of cooperation through a move- 
ment against IMontreal by the way of Wood Creek and Lake 
Champlain. New York raised over one-half of this force. 
Abraham Schuyler succeeded in inducing the Five Nations 
to aid in the campaign. New York entered into this move- 
ment heartily and the colony opened a road to Lake Cham- 
plain. The expedition, under the command of Colonel Fran- 
cis Nicholson, gathered at Albany. As Nicholson marched 
up the Hudson he built three forts, one at Schuylerville 
known as Fort Saratoga, another at the "Great Carrying 
Place" on the site afterwards occupied by Fort Edward, 
which was called Fort Nicholson, and the third, known as 
Fort Anne, was at the junction of Half- Way Brook and 
Wood Creek. While Nicholson was at Fort Anne, the Gov- 
ernor of Canada sent a force of fifteen hundred men against 
him but, hearing that the English had the stronger force, 
the French did not come south of Crown Point. 

An extremely fatal sickness broke out in Nicholson's 
camp. There were charges that the enemy had poisoned the 
springs but it is probable that the disease was a malignant 

69 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

foT'iu of dysentery caused by the low, -\vet ground and the 
extremely unsanitary conditions of the camp. The fleet 
promised by England was sent to Portugal to meet a con- 
tingency there, so the whole movement failed and in October 
Nicholson returned to Albany and disbanded his army. 

1710. — This year the New England Militia joined with the 
British and captured Port Royal, whicli had been taken from 
the French twice before — once by jNIajor Sedgwick in 1G54 
and again by Sir William Phips in IGOl) — but in each case 
it was returned to France when a treaty of peace was con- 
cluded. Now it was pernumently retained and in course of 
time led to the expulsion of the Acadians, a nuittcr in which 
New York had no part. 

1711. — This year a British fleet with five thousand troops 
was sent to Boston, from which place it sailed against Quebec 
on the 30th of July. ]\Iassaehusetts raised an additional force 
consisting of nine ships of war, two bomb ketches, and sixty 
transports carrying about twelve thousand troops. The fleet 
w^as caught in a great storm in the lower St. Lawrence and 
eight transports, one store ship, and one sutler's sloop were 
wrecked and about seven hundred and fifty lives lost. Ad- 
miral Walker, who commanded the fleet, seems to have lacked 
either enthusiasm or courage as he called his officers together 
after the storm and, after consultation, decided to abandon 
the expedition because they had no skilled pilots which, of 
course, was known as Avell before the expedition sailed as 
then; besides, the conclusion does not seem to have been very 
well grounded when one remembers that Sir AVilliam Phips 
found his way up the river twenty-one years earlier under 
similar conditions. 

Colonel Francis Nicholson had raised a force of twenty- 
three hundred men to cooperate with Walker by moving on 
Montreal, but when he learned of the failure of AValker's 
expedition he returned to Albany, after having burned the 
Avoodcn forts he had constructed. 

1720. — This year the French began to fortify Louisburg. 
They sj^ent $10,000,000 there, making it one of the strongest 

70 



THE STRUGGT>E FOR SUrREMACY 

places in the world, oqualed in strength only by Quebec and 
Gibraltar. Tliis made Lonisburg a place of great importance 
for the possession of which the French and the English con- 
tended again and again. 

1722. — For many years New York was the only rival of 
Canada for the control of the Avest, the controversy being 
over the control of the fur trade. The Five Nations acted 
a« middlemen between the Indians of the middle west and 
the merchants of New York City. The influence of these 
merchants reached as far west as the JMississippi. 

In order to interfere with the fur trade of the English, 
the French spared no effort to keep peace between the Indian 
tribes of the west and to prevent their establishing friendly 
relations, and especially trade relations with the Five Na- 
tions. The English had an advantage over the French in 
that they furnished better goods and at a lower price. 

For nearly two hundred years the chief business of Al- 
bany was trading for furs with the Indians of the north and 
west. In the course of time the French began to divert the 
trade of the western Indians by building a fort and trading 
station at Niagara. To meet this movement the English built 
a fort at Oswego which virtually became a lake port of Al- 
bany. A trading post was established there in 1720 and Gov- 
ernor Burnet built a fort there in 1727, 

For a long time the French in Canada and the English in 
New York sought to control the valuable fur trade of the 
northwest with varying success, but in the main to the grad- 
ually increasing advantage of the English. Each country 
claimed the Iroquois country from Lake George to Lake Erie. 
When the French decided that it would be for their advan- 
tage to establish a post at Niagara they sent Joncaire, who 
lived with the Senecas, to secure permission from them. To 
offset this, Governor Hunter sent Peter and Philip Schuyler 
to oppose the designs of the French. The Five Nations, con- 
scious of their waning powers, were not inclined to cast their 
fortunes wholly with either party but, in the end, the Sen- 
ecas consented to the French erecting a fort at Niagara. It 

71 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

was located at the same place that Denonville had built a 
fort in 16S7. This action, as has already been stated, led to 
the erection of a fort at Oswego by the English. This 
alarmed the French and aroused great indignation on their 
part. They called a council of war to meet at Quebec. This 
council resolved to send a force of two thousand men against 
Oswego, but as France and England were at peace at that 
time, Governor Beauharnois of Canada contented himself 
with sending a summons to the English officer at Oswego j 
commanding him to withdraw, to which, of course, the latter i 
paid no attention. 

The fort at Oswego became an important military station ; 
and gave the Indians north of Lake Ontario a nearer and also 
a better market for thoir furs. To meet these adverse condi- 
tions the French established a trading post at Toronto and 
built two armed vessels that gave them control of the lake. 
Oswego was a source of friction for a long period, and its 
possession was greatly desired by each of the contending 
parties. It was captured and destroyed by ]\Iontcalm in 1757 
and recaptured and rebuilt by Bradstreet the following year. 

1731. — The French attempted to establish themselves in 
the Champlain Valley as early as 1726. They first tried 
locating a post on the east shore of Lake Champlain opposite 
Crown Point, but the vigorous opposition of INIassachusetts 
led them to abandon it. In 1731 they took possession of 
Crown Point and built a fort known as Fort St. Frederic. 
This was clearly upon English territory. All that section of 
the country concededly belonged to the Iroquois and the 
French had never acquired any show of title to it. 

In 1696, thirty-five years before the French occupancy, 
the Six Nations had granted a large territory which included 
Crown Point, to Dominie Dellius of Albany. While both 
Massachusetts and New York protested against this occu- 
pancy of English territory. by the French, they would not 
unite to expel them. New York was engaged in a chronic 
quarrel with her colonial governor and, in addition to this, 
was occupied with a quarrel with New Jersey, so the French 

72 



THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY 

were left free to act as they deemed best — one of many illus- 
trations showing how unity on the one hand and division on 
the other operated to the advantage of the French. 

This advanced French post was a constant menace both to 
New York and to New England, forming a rendezvous from 
which bands of French and Indians set out on expeditions 
against the frontier settlements and to which they returned 
for rest and safety and to prepare for future forays. 

Fort St. Frederic was situated at a very narrow part of 
the lake and completely commanded the navigation at that 
point. From year to year the French strengthened this fort 
and from it expeditions were sent out for the destruction of 
Deerfield, Schenectady and other points along the frontier. 
Soon after the erection of Fort St. Frederic, a settlement of 
considerable size sprang up on each side of the lake. There 
was another little village half a mile southwest from the fort 
and a little hamlet of four houses a little farther away. As 
early as 1749, a large sailboat made regular trips between 
Crown Point and St. Johns in Canada. 

1744. — This year bore witness to the value of Crown Point 
to the French and the blunder of the English in permitting 
the French to establish themselves there. From this point 
nearly thirty marauding expeditions were fitted out to ravage 
the territory of Rensselaer and Saratoga counties. New York 
was wholly unprepared for hostilities at this time. All the 
frontier forts were in a dilapidated condition. Saratoga was 
burned and the inhabitants massacred. Among the slain was 
a brother of Colonel Philip Schuyler. Hoosick, Schaghticoke 
and Stillwater were forsaken. The whole country to the very 
gates of Albany was abandoned or unguarded. 

At a council meeting held at Albany, King Hendrick said : 
"You burnt your own fort at Saraghtogee and ran away 
from it, which was a shame and a scandal to you. Look 
about your country and see, you have no fortifications about 
you, no, not even to this city. 'Tis but one step from Canada 
hither and the French may easily come down and turn you 
out of doors." 

73 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

1745. — There was a small settlement of Dutch farmers at 
Saratoga (Sehuylerville). A small stockaded fort had been 
built for their protection, but it had been allowed to become 
so completely dilapidated as to be of no value as a means of 
defense. This was the northernmost settlement in New York 
at that time and, therefore, most exposed to an attack from 
the enemy. The fort was in so bad a condition that the dozen 
soldiers stationed there were not able to keep either them- 
selves or their supplies dry. As the Assembly of the colony 
and the merchants of Albany refused to furnish the money 
necessary for repairing and strengthening the fort, the Gov- 
ernor withdrew the little garrison. The troops had hardly 
left before the enemy appeared. The French ranger, M. 
Marin, planned an attack upon the settlements in the Con- 
necticut Valley. He set out with a force of about five hun- 
dred men, half of them Indians, and reached Crown Point the 
13th of November. Here a council was held and it was de- 
cided that it was too late in the season to venture to cross 
the mountains, so they decided to attack Saratoga. 

The French paddled up Lake Champlain, passed along 
the north shore of South Bay, over the Fort Anne Moun- 
tains and on to Fort Edward, where a trader by the name of 
John H. Lydius had established a post, his house being on the 
site of old Fort Nicholson. Here they captured four white 
men, a boy and two Indians. Leaving these in care of a guard 
of twenty men, they passed south over the old military road 
built by Peter Schuyler in 1709. On their way to Saratoga 
they captured half a dozen men and sent them back to the 
Lydius trading post. 

Saratoga was made up of a single narrow street reaching 
from half a mile above Fish Creek to two miles below it. 
It contained thirty dwellings, four flour mills, a blacksmith 
shop, barns, granaries, etc. The place was attacked on the 
night of the 28th of November. The fort, all the houses and 
other buildings were burned. Thirty of the inhabitants were 
killed, Philip Schuyler being among the number. About one 
hundred persons were carried away as prisoners. Such a 

74 



THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY 

storm of indignation was aroused that the Assembly voted 
£150 to rebuild the fort, a sum wholly inadequate for the 
purpose, but a feeble structure was erected. The Indians 
were surprised and disgusted at the action of the colonists 
as they could not understand how politics often interfered 
with the proper defense of the colony. In 1747 Colonel Peter 
Schuyler was stationed at Saratoga with his regiment, but 
was compelled to abandon the post for want of supplies. 
Governor Clinton directed Colonel Roberts to examine the 
fort and, in case he found it incapable of defense, to burn it. 
This he did. 

Louisburg was the strongest fortress in America. The 
French had expended immense sums to make it impregnable. 
At this time, 1745, it was garrisoned by two thousand men. 
It seemed a hopeless task to attempt its capture with any 
ordinary force, yet the provincials to whom this fortress was 
a constant menace, did just that rash thing and, as some- 
times happens, success attended the reckless movement. The 
New England colonies raised four thousand men who were 
placed under the command of William Pepperrell, a mer- 
chant, a very popular man, but wholly without military ex- 
perience. The expedition consisted of the land force, a little 
fleet of thirteen vessels mounting two hundred and thirty-six 
guns, and ninety transports carrying the troops and sup- 
plies. The expedition sailed from Boston on the 24th of 
March and arrived at Canseau, a port about fifty miles from 
Louisburg, early in April. Here Pepperrell was joined by 
Commander Warren of the Royal Navy with three ships of 
war, a force sufficiently strong to prevent any interference 
from any French vessels that might chance to be in that 
vicinity. The siege was carried on under almost incredible 
hardships and with such energy that the French surrendered 
on the 17th of June. In England the news was received with 
the greatest astonishment, the English people not thinking 
it possible that a small provincial force, commanded by men 
of little or no military experience, could capture one of the 
strongest fortresses in the world, even though supported by 

75 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

an English fleet. Pepperrell was made a baronet, and War- 
ren an admiral, in recognition of their services. 

1749. — This date is a very important one, marking a for- 
ward French movement of even greater significance than the 
building of Fort St. Frederic at Crown Point. The Governor 
of Canada sent Celoron de Bienville, with a force of one 
hundred and fifty officers and men, to inspect the country 
between the Niagara and Oliio rivers. They traveled more 
than three thousand miles and went as far south as West 
Virginia. They went up the St. Lawrence to Fort Fron- 
tenac, crossed Lake Ontario in canoes, made their way to 
Lake Erie, passed through the forest to Chautauqua Lake, 
on to the site of the city of Jamestown, then again through 
the forest to the Allegheny River. Here, on the 29th of July, 
1749, Bienville took formal possession of the country in the 
name of Louis XV, The royal arms of France were stamped 
on a piece of tin and nailed to a tree. At the foot of the tree 
was buried a plate of lead with the following inscription : 
"A token of a renewal of possession heretofore taken of the 
aforesaid river Ohio, of all the streams that fall into it, and 
all lands on both sides to the source of the aforesaid streams, 
as the preceding kings of France have enjoyed, or ought to 
have enjoyed it, and which they have upheld by force of 
arms and by treaties, notably by those of Ryswick, Utrecht, 
and Aix-la-Chapelle. " Similar plates, some of which have 
since been found, were buried at different points. 

1752. — This was a year of warlike measures though there 
was ostensibly peace between England and France. Neither 
party was willing to stand idly by and see the other take 
possession of the Ohio country. The French made the first 
movement in 1749, as just related. Governor Dinwiddie of 
Virginia sent a force to build a fort at the junction of the 
Allegheny and Monongahela rivers, where the city of Pitts- 
burgh now stands. This was a position of great strategic 
importance. Captain Trent had begun a fort there and 
Colonel Frye and ]\Iajor Washington were on the way to 
reinforce him. For some reason Trent went back to Will's 

76 



THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY 

Creek and left Ensign Ward with forty men to continue the 
work. On the 17th of April a force of five hundred French 
appeared, planted cannon and demanded the surrender of 
the fort. AVard was not strong enough to resist. This was 
the beginning of what led to the disastrous Braddock cam- 
paign. 

1755. — Braddock landed at Alexandria, Virginia, bring- 
ing with him two regiments of British regulars, the first sub- 
stantial force of English troops brought to this country. 
While England did not declare war against France till the 
18th of May, 1756, nor France against England till a few 
days later than that, there was much fighting in 1755 not 
only on land but at sea as well, where the English captured 
three hundred French trading vessels and eight thousand 
sailors. 

Braddock called a council of the colonial governors. Sir 
William Johnson and Benjamin Franklin were present by 
special invitation. A plan of campaign was outlined. There 
were to be four distinct movements. The leaders were to be 
General Braddock, Governor Shirley of Massachusetts, 
Colonel IMonckton of the British regular army, and William 
Johnson of New York, the latter being chosen chiefly because 
of his influence with the Six Nations. All the movements, 
except that of Johnson, will be considered very briefly. 

Braddock was to lead the movement for the capture of 
Fort Duquesne. He had about twenty-two hundred men, 
composed of two regiments of British regulars, and a body 
of provincials, chiefly Virginians, who were commanded by 
Washington. Braddock had no faith in the provincials and 
would not listen to advice but managed his army as though 
he were on the plains of Europe fighting continental troops 
instead of contending with savages in a forest. The result 
was a slaughter of his troops. As Braddock approached Fort 
Duquesne, all the Indians and most of the French were dis- 
posed to abandon the place as they felt that they were not 
r.trong enough to hold it against the overwhelming force of 
the English. Captain Beaujeu, however, favored going out 

77 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

to meet tlie English, hoping to lead them into an ambush. 
After an earnest controversy this plan was adopted. A force 
of nine hundred men, over two-thirds of them Indians, 
marched out to meet a force more than twice as large as 
their own. The battle took place seven miles from the fort. 
The Indians were shelteretl in the forest while the British 
Avere exposed to fire from every direction. Only the Vir- 
ginians, who had had experience in this kind of warfare, did 
any effective fighting. It is doubtful if the British regulars 
ever caught sight of an enemy. They fought with deter- 
mined courage but merely fired in the direction of an unseen 
foe and did but little, if any, damage to the enemy. The 
courage of the British officers was of the highest order. They 
exposed themselves as fearlessly as did the common soldiers, 
but mere courage counted for nothing under the peculiar cir- 
cumstances. The merciless slaughter went steadily on. "When 
retreat began it soon became a disorderly flight of panic- 
stricken men. Of the 86 British officers, 63 were killed or 
Avounded, Braddock being among the number. Out of the 
1,373 men and non-commissioned officers, only 459 escaped 
unharmed. Only about a dozen of the French Avere injured. 
The Indians suffered more, but not severely. 

If Niagara could be taken, all the French posts in the 
west would be cut off and of necessity abandoned. Governor 
Shirley Avas to attempt this task. He reached Albany in 
July. From there he Avent to Schenectady, ascended the 
MohaAvk to the Great Carrying Place, AA'here the city of Rome 
noAv stands, crossed to Wood Creek, Aveut doAvn it to Oneida 
Lake, through it to OsAvego River, and down OsAvego RiA'er 
to the fort at its mouth. This occupied tAventy days. It Avas 
Shirley's purpose to cross the lake and capture Froutenac, 
but he had only fifteen hundred men and the French had as 
many. A council was held and it Avas the unanimous expres- 
sion that they Avere not strong enough to cross the lake and 
attack the French, and they dared not move against Niagara 
with a strong French force at Frontenac that would be sure 
to cross the lake and capture OsAvego if they left it, and so 

78 



THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY 

cut off tlieir commnnications. At the close of October Shir- 
ley returned to Albany leaving seven hundred men at Os- 
wego. 

Colonel Monckton commanded the expedition that was to 
march against Acadia. It consisted of about eighteen hun- 
dred men. On the 2d of June they appeared before Beau 
Sejour, and the garrison surrendered on the 12th. Had the 
expedition ended here it would have won a creditable record, 
but the forcible removal of some seven thousand Acadians 
M^as one of the most cruel acts recorded in history. 

The fourth expedition which had for its purpose the 
reduction of Crown Point and the opening of the way to 
Canada, was intrusted to William Johnson. He was to have 
twenty-five hundred men from IMassachusetts, New Hamp- 
shire, and Connecticut, and one thousand from New York, 
lie was also promised one thousand Iroquois warriors but, 
owing to the interference of Governor Shirley, the Iroquois 
sent him only six hundred. Johnson's force was about four 
thousand. Among the New England officers were some who 
were men of note during the Revolution. Colonel Phineas 
Lyman of Connecticut was second in command. Among the 
other officers were Seth Pomeroy, Israel Putnam, John Stark 
and Ephraim Williams. The greater part of the force 
reached Fort Lyman, the name of which was then changed to 
Fort Edward in honor of the then Prince of Wales, the third 
week in August. On the 28th Johnson with thirty-four hun- 
dred men reached Lac St. Sacrement, which he renamed, call- 
ing it Lake George in honor of the King. Soon after Colonel 
Lyman, who had been left at Fort Edward to await the ar- 
rival of some tardy troops, joined Johnson at Lake George. 
Not a foot of land had ever been cleared there or a building 
of any kind erected. Nature had not been disturbed. While 
Johnson was busy clearing land and providing for the accom- 
modation of his army at Lake George, Dieskau, who was at 
Crown Point with thirty-five hundred men, decided not to 
wait but to move against Johnson, hoping to take him by 
surprise. With a force of sixteen hundred men he Went up 

79 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Lake Champlain and camped one night at Ticonderoga. This 
was the first occupation of that place by the French and they 
were the first body of white men to occupy it. Dieskau went 
up Lake Champlain as far as South Bay, then along its north 
shore and came out within four miles of Fort Edward, which 
he had planned to capture, thus cutting off Johnson from his 
source of supplies. Dieskau captured a messenger from John- 
son, who had in his possession letters that gave full informa- 
tion as to the force at Fort Edward and at Lake George. 
Dieskau 's force consisted of two hundred regulars, eight hun- 
dred Canadian militia and six hundred Indians. The latter 
objected to an attack on Fort Edward on account of the can- 
non mounted there, and demanded to be led against Johnson 
at Lake George. Dieskau had been a German field-marshal 
and, having little faith in the fighting cjualities of militia, he 
yielded to the demands of the Indians. 

In the meantime Johnson learned of the movements of the 
French and, rightly judging that they meant to capture Fort 
Edward and cut him off from communication with Albany, 
decided to send five hundred men for the relief of the fort 
and another force to South Bay to cut off the retreat of the 
French. Old King Hendrick. who was in command of the 
jMohawks, objected, saying that each detachment would be 
beaten in turn. Finally it was decided to send out one thou- 
sand troops and two hundred Indians in three divisions. 
Again, King Hendrick objected, saying: "If they are to fight, 
they are too few; if they are to be killed, they are too many." 
But the men were sent out in three divisions. Colonel Williams 
leading the advance. Wlien about two miles from camp, "Wil- 
liams halted and waited till the other two divisions came up. 
When the force under Williams left camp, Johnson formed a 
rude breastwork through the use of wagons, batteaux and 
fallen trees. Some of the heavy cannon that were on the lake 
shore waiting to be put on boats for transportation to Ticon- 
deroga were brought up and placed in position. 

When Dieskau learned of the movement of Johnson 's forces, 
he planned an ambuscade for the force under Williams. The 

80 



THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY 

latter, trained Indian fighter that he was, accompanied by 
King Hendrick and the Indians under his command, both 
knowing of the presence of the enemy between them and Fort 
Edward, marched on without having any scouts in advance 
and, as a natural result, marched into the ambuscade, pre- 
pared for them. When less than four miles from Lake George 
a single musket was fired, which was followed with volley 
after volley, accompanied with terrific yells. King Hendrick 
was killed the first fire. Soon after. Colonel Williams, who 
had mounted a large bowlder that he might better direct the 
movements of his men, was shot through the head and in- 
stantly killed. 

The provincials and Indians retreated in confusion, closely 
followed by the French forces. When the English reached a 
little pond, since known as Bloody Pond, they rallied and 
checked the French. As soon as Johnson heard the firing he 
sent out another party of three hundred men under Lieu- 
tenant Colonel Cole. This force reached the English as they 
had checked the advance of the French at the little pond just 
named. Cole covered the retreat as the panic-stricken men of 
Colonel Williams fell back to the lake. 

Johnson's whole army was thrown into confusion by the 
return of the demoralized force that Colonel Williams had 
commanded, and if Dieskau had been able to follow up his 
victory without any delay, he would probably have been able 
to defeat Johnson and possibly capture his entire force at 
Lake George. But when his Indians and Canadian militia 
saw the mounted cannon they could not be induced to charge 
Johnson 's rude works and the delay in bringing up the small 
force of French regulars gave Johnson's men time to recover 
their self-possession. The French charged with great bravery 
and the loss of life was heavy. The French regulars were 
nearly annihilated. Both Johnson and Dieskau were 
wounded, the latter so severely that he died some years later 
from the wounds then received. The French were beaten and 
retreated in confusion, leaving most of their baggage. Before 
the battle at the lake was over, some of the Indians, and some 

81 



NEW YOllK'S TART IN HISTORY 

of the militia as w<>ll, deserted Dieskau and returned to the 
field of the morning's lij^lit to sealp and plunder tlie dead. 

The commanding oflicer at Fort Edward heard the firing 
in the dii-eetion of Lake George and sent out Captains McGin- 
iiis and Folsom with tiieir eompanies to reeonnoiter. When 
they reached Bloody Pond they found seated around it some 
three hundred Canadians and Indians who had deserted 
Dieskau at Lake Geoi-ge. A severe light followed. The French 
finally gave way and fled toward South Bay, leaving their 
baggage behind them. Several prisoners were taken. It is 
said that the fight at this place was so severe, and the number 
of bodies thrown into the pond so large, that its waters were 
tinged with blood, hence the name Bloody Pond. The action 
here spoken of is known as "The Bloody IMorning Scout." 
The loss of the French this day is said to have been about 
seven hundred and that of the English about two hundred 
and thirty. 

Johnson has been blamed for not following up his victory 
by a movement against Crown Point. Colonel Lyman, who 
was in command at Lake George after Johnson was wounded, 
urged such a movement very strongly as did most of the pro- 
vincial officers. Johnson, himself, states that he might have 
yielded to their urging if he had not been suffering from his 
wound, but he felt it unwise to risk the loss of what had been 
gained. The French had been repulsed, it is true, but he 
could no longer depend upon the Iroquois after the death of 
King Ilendrick. There were two thousand fresh French 
troops at Crown Point and a possibility of their being rein- 
forced before he could reach them. His own loss had been 
quite heavy and he had many wounded to care for. The Eng- 
lish had been beaten everywhere that year, and the people had 
lost heart. Under all these circumstances, to move so late in 
the season fifty miles into the enemy's country, and far from 
his base of supplies, upon an enterprise the outcome of which 
at the least would be somewhat doubtful and defeat disas- 
trous, was a risk that he felt was not warranted by any pos- 
sible gain that could come from a successful elTort. lie re- 

82 



THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY 

mained at the liead of the lake and built a fort which he called 
Fort William Henry, in honor of AVilliam Henry, the Duke 
of Cumberland and a brother of George the Third. At this 
time the French built a fort at Ticonderoga which they called 
Carillon. The outposts of the opposing forces were now less 
than forty miles apart. Johnson left seven hundred men to 
garrison Fort William Henry during the winter and the 
French were busy with axe and saw at Ticonderoga. At these 
two places the opposing forces spent the winter, preparing as 
best they could for the coming contest that was to be fiercer 
and bloodier than any yet dreamed of by the contestants. All 
the effort made up to this time, and all the blood spilled, had 
occurred when no declaration of w^ar had been made by either 
of the contesting parties. 

1756. — The defeat of Braddock brought about disastrous 
consequences. It enabled the French to arouse the animosity 
of the Indians against the English. The Delawares and the 
Shawnees, long friendly to the English, took the lead against 
them and many of the Ohio Indians joined with them. The 
whole of the western tribes rose and overran the frontier. 
Pennsylvania, IMaryland and Virginia suffered severely. Only 
the loyalty of the Iroquois, and especially of the IMohawk na- 
tion, prevented even a worse condition on the New York fron- 
tier. 

After a year of active hostility, both on land and at sea, 
England declared war against France on the 18th of May, 
175G. France sent Montcalm to Canada to look after her 
interests and direct her forces. England suff'ered from a weak 
and inefficient government at home, and her affairs in America 
were in the hands of weaklings. The following two years 
were the dreariest, the most humiliating, and the most dis- 
heartening in all English history. Lord Loudon, General 
Abercrombie, and General Webb proved to be totally ineffi- 
cient. 

After the fatal campaign of 1755 the command of the Eng- 
lish forces devolved upon Governor Shirley, who was soon 
superseded by John Campbell, Earl of Loudon. As Loudon 

83 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

was not in America at this time, Abercrombie, the next in 
command, was in authority but he, too, being temporarily out 
of the country, the active command for a short time was 
vested in Colonel Daniel Webb. During the short time that 
Shirley was in command he planned to strengthen Oswego 
and make it the base of operations against Frontenac. He 
assembled a considerable force there and had sent two engi- 
neers to superintend the strengthening of the fort. As he was 
about to send an additional force he was superseded by Webb, 
who was soon relieved by Abercrombie. In July Loudon 
arrived and took command. The season was not half over and 
yet there had been four different commanders and, as a matter 
of course, nothing of importance had been accomplished. 
Some boats and batteaux were built at Lake George for the 
purpose of transporting an army through the lake on its way 
to Ticonderoga. The fortifications at Fort Edward and at 
Lake George were strengthened. At this time Montcalm was 
at Ticonderoga with fifty-three hundred troops, while Loudon 
had ten thousand scattered along the road from Albany to 
Lake George. Loudon was slow, dull and irresolute. Frank- 
lin said he was "like St. George on the tavern signboards, 
alway on horseback but never getting ahead." 

It seemed as though the English ministry were determined 
to put all possible obstacles in the way of success. It promul- 
gated an order that was about as mischievous and foolish as 
any set of men could possibly conceive. It provided that no 
provincial officer of any rank should, under any circumstances, 
rank higher than a senior captain of British regulars. A 
provincial general of wide experience and unusual ability not 
only might be, but in some cases actually was, outranked by a 
British major just come of age and who had never been in 
action or seen a shot fired in actual conflict. Washington, 
Johnson, Lyman, Bradstreet, and Winslow, any or all of 
them, would be outranked by an inexperienced British boy 
with a commission as major. This aroused and exasperated 
the colonial officers beyond measure. It was with great diffi- 
culty that they were kept from throwing up their commands 

84 



THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY 

and going home. This order was one of the irritations that 
paved the way for the Revolution. If the British officers had 
shown great ability, the order of the ministry might have 
been borne more easily, but, beginning with Braddock and 
continuing in mortifying succession till the time of Wolfe, all 
the British generals sent to America seemed to be lacking in 
ability, to be ignorant of the conditions under which they 
must fight, and too obstinate to seek or to take advice. De- 
feat, disaster and humiliation were the almost invariable out- 
come of their efforts. Fighting with compact forces in the 
open fields of Europe was one thing; it was quite a different 
matter to fight in a wooded country against foes who fired 
from behind trees and rocks, never exposed themselves and 
never remained to meet a charge of their enemies. The pro- 
vincials had learned to fight the Indians successfully by 
resorting to their methods, but they were sneered at by the 
British officers, though the latter were always beaten except 
when saved from disaster by the provincial troops. 

Loudon decided to abandon the movements that had been 
planned against Fort Frontenac and Niagara and concen- 
trate his efforts against Ticonderoga and Crown Point. He 
aimed at little and accomplished nothing. Montcalm read 
the sluggish Loudon aright and judged that there would be 
no movement against Ticonderoga that season, so, leaving a 
small force for Ticonderoga 's defense, he marched against 
Oswego and captured it, taking 1,600 prisoners, six vessels 
carrying 52 guns, 200 barges, 113 cannon and mortars, a large 
amount of ammunition and provisions, with $18,000 in cash. 
He destroyed the works and abandoned the place. This left 
the English without a foothold anywhere on Lake Ontario. 
They were not in possession of any point from which Niagara, 
Frontenac or Montreal could be threatened. The French were 
free to concentrate their entire force within a comparatively 
small area. 

On the 12th of August, when it was altogether too late, 
Loudou decided to reinforce Oswego and sent Webb on that 
errand. When the latter reached the place where the city of 

85 



NEW YORK'S TART IN HISTORY 

Rome now is, he learned of tlie disaster at Oswego. Scared 
out of his wits, as he was at Fort Edward on a later occasion, 
he destroyed the two forts on the carry between the head- 
waters of the ]\Iohawk and Wood Creek, the only defense 
there was against a movement on the part of the French down 
the Mohawk Valley, and began a hasty retreat, frightened by 
an enemy that existed only in his imagination. This was the 
disastrous ending of a disastrous campaign. Though Loudon 
had a force greatly outnumbering that of the French, he was 
beaten and outgeneraled and lost possession of nearly all 
disputed territory. 

1757. — While Loudon had not the ability to accomplish, 
he could spoil much. In 1757, instead of moving against 
Ticonderoga and Crown Point, he stripped the Hudson Val- 
ley of its defenders for a vain and useless movement against 
Louisburg — a movement that failed because the English, as 
usual, were behind time in their movements. Loudon went 
no farther than Halifax. 

Montcalm, quick to take advantage of Loudon's blunder, 
decided on a movement against Albany. Pie gathered a force 
of fifty-six hundred French and two thousand Indians, the 
latter representing more than forty tribes, some of them from 
as far west as Iowa. Montcalm must capture Fort William 
Henry before he could move against Albany. He began his 
movement the first of August. The greater part of his army 
went through Lake George. Two hundred and fifty boats, 
carrying five thousand men, were preceded by swarms of sav- 
ages in canoes. This flotilla, with a thousand oars and paddles 
flashing in the sunlight, made a spectacular appearance. It 
must have made a strong appeal to the imagination of the 
savages, but if any English observer saw it he must have been 
filled with forebodings of the horrors to come. The French 
were within two miles of Fort William EEenry before their 
approach was discovered. 

To oppose ]\Iontcalm, ]\lonro had twelve hundred men at 
Fort William Henry and AVebb had twenty-six hundred at 
Fort Edward. A thousand more were scattered along the 

86 



THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY 

route from Albany to Fort Edward; altogether not quite 
five thousand men to oppose Montcalm with about seventy-five 
hundred. But Montcalm could not hope for reinforce- 
ments while Webb had only to hold JMontcalm in check for a 
time to bring him reinforcements that would make his force 
much greater than that of the French. He sent a thousand 
men to reinforce Monro. Then in a few days, frightened 
beyond expression, he advised Monro to surrender on the best 
terms he could make. This made the task of Colonel Monro 
doubly difficult as his enemy knew just how he was situated. 
The siege began on the 3d of August. As it progressed Monro 
reported the conditions to Webb again and again and asked 
for reinforcements. Eight days after the siege began Monro 
had lost three hundred men, and smallpox was raging in the 
fort. All his large cannon and mortars had either burst or 
been disabled by the enemy 's fire. The walls of the fort were 
already breached and Montcalm had thirty-one cannon and 
fifteen mortars and howitzers in position at short range and 
ready to open fire. Monro had learned of the intercepted 
message from Webb and knew that he had no hope of rein- 
forcements. Further resistance seemed worse than hopeless, 
so the white flag was displayed. 

Terms of surrender were soon agreed upon. The French 
w^ere to have all the cannon and other supplies in the fort and 
camp, and all the French prisoners taken during the war 
were to be returned within three months. The English were 
to march out with the honors of war, to be escorted to Fort 
Edward by a French force, and to agree not to serve against 
the French for a period of eighteen months. Before the terms 
of capitulation were signed, Montcalm called together the 
Indian chiefs and explained the conditions, to which they 
assented and agreed to control their young men. • 

]\Iontcalm made no suitable provision for preventing the 
catastrophe that occurred. He must have known that the 
promise of the Indians would not be kept unless there was a 
strong show of force on the part of the French. The Indian 
chiefs had made a promise which, perhaps, they could not 

87 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

enforce upon their followers. Tlu; Indians were accustomed 
to look upon scalps and plunder as tlie natural and proper 
fruits of victory. 

Immediately after the surrender, the Indians entered the 
fort. As soon as the garrison had marched out the Indians 
murdered all the sick who had been left in charge of the 
French surgeons. The savages then went to the English camp 
where they spent the afternoon and evening. The women and 
children were crazed with fright. Only the most earnest 
efforts on the part of Montcalm prevented a general massacre 
at that time. 

With that warning as to the temper and purpose of the 
Indians, it would seem that IMontcalm would have seen the 
necessity of providing a suitable guard for the morning, but 
only three hundred regulars were assigned as an escort though 
some Canadian militia were added later, but they were quite 
as likely to take part in a massacre as to try to prevent it. 

When, early in the morning, the English assembled for 
their march to Fort Edward, the Indians were out in force. 
They began to plunder the English immediately, snatching 
whatever pleased their fancy and tomahawking those who 
offered any resistance. Soon they secured rum and became 
more uncontrollable than before. Then the terrible war 
whoop was heard and there began the most shameful mas- 
sacre of all Indian warfare. Men, women and children were 
seized, dragged off or killed and scalped on the spot. How 
many were killed and how many were carried to Canada will 
never be known. Accounts differ greatly. It is probable that 
at least seven hundred of the English fell into the hands of 
the savages, something more than half of whom were rescued 
by Montcalm. One can but think of the difference between 
this event -and that of two years earlier at the same place 
when Johnson had defeated the French. On each occasion 
Indians would have murdered all the prisoners if allowed to 
do so, but not a prisoner taken by Johnson was injured while 
Montcalm wholly failed to control the Indians under his com- 
mand. This event has forever tarnished the otherwise fair 

88 



I 



THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY 

fame of Montcalm. With a force of eight thousand men, not 
more than one-fourth of whom were Indians, it is idle to say 
that Montcalm could not have prevented the massacre that 
took place the morning after the surrender. Bradley says: 
"There is absolutely nothing to be said in defense of the 
French in this affair." 

The French tore down the barracks, threw the large logs 
of the ramparts into a great pile upon which they placed the 
bodies of the English slain. The mighty funeral pyre burned 
the whole night. A week later Montcalm went down the lake 
leaving only a mass of charred ruins where so lately Fort 
William Henry stood. Lake George was once more a vacant 
wilderness. This event marked the culmination of French 
power in America. The shameful massacre at Fort William 
Henry seems to have marked the turning of the tide, though 
the French were to win one more great victory owing to the 
almo.st inconceivable stupidity of an English general. 

Possibly Webb could not have prevented the disaster at 
Fort William Henry, though many thought otherwise. As 
soon as Sir William Johnson learned of the movement of 
Montcalm he went to Fort Edward with reinforcements and 
begged in vain to be allowed to go to the relief of Monro. In 
writing to Captain Philip Schuyler after the event Johnson, 
in speaking of the affair and of Webb, said : 

If he [Webb] had let me go, I believe I could have compelled the 
French to raise the siege. If he had supported me with his whole 
force, I believe we could have beaten Montcalm. We had nearly 
seven thousand effective troops and Monro had about one thou-sand 
six hundred more in his garrison and fortified camp. Montcalm had 
no more than six thousand effective troops. But Webb, instead of 
marching to the relief of Monro, sent him a letter advising him to 
surrender on the best terms he could get. You know the rest. I 
hate to say it, but the truth must be told. Webb enjoys a solitary 
and unique distinction. He is the only British general — in short, I 
may say the only British officer of any rank — I ever knew or heard of 
who was personally a coward. 

89 



NEW YORK'S TART IN HISTORY 

That Webb was, and is, such, no one who served with him or 
under hin\ could fail lo pei'ceive. He was nearly beside himself with 
physical fear after the fall of Fort William Heni-y. His army was 
in good spirits and anxious to fi!:;Iit. The general alone was panic- 
stricken ! 



"Remember Fort AVilliam Henry!" became a terrible war 
cry, and cost many a Canadian his life in the Ranger warfare 
that followed the massacre by the Indians under Montcalm. 
The partisans on each side were very active. They were 
almost omnipresent, being found on both sides of the lakes 
and throughout the surrounding country. These men were 
brave and reckless to the last degree. Parkman says, "Sum- 
mer and winter, day and night, w^ere alike to them." IMarin 
was the most active of the French Rangers, while among the 
colonial partisans were Robert Rogers, Richard Rogers, John 
Stark, Israel Putnam and Setli Pomeroy. 

Ticonderoga was the most southern post of the French, 
and it swarmed with Indians representing many tribes, some 
from the far west. Being stimulated by the rewards which 
the French offered for scalps they were constantly on the war- 
path. The most northern post of the English was Fort Wil- 
liam Henry. Between these two posts, and in the country 
round about them, was many a foray and bloody conflict. In 
small parties of two and three, and larger ones reaching into 
the hundreds, both whites and Indians roamed through the 
country. No one was safe at any time or place, except he was 
within a fortified post, ilen were shot within a few rods of 
such forts as Crown Point, Ticonderoga and Fort AVilliam 
Henry. 

In June, 1756, Rogers and fifty men, went some distance 
down Lake George in whale boats, then carried their boats 
over the mountain, launched them in Lake Champlain and 
went down the lake to within six miles of Ticonderoga. They 
passed the fort one night under cover of darkness and, two 
nights later, passed Crown Point. A little later they cap- 
tured and sunk a schooner and two lighters that were loaded 

90 



I 



THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY 

with flour, wine and brandy. Then they hid their boats and 
went across the country to Fort "William Henry, taking eight 
prisoners with them. 

The same year a party of French and Indians, one hun- 
dred and fifty in number, ambushed Captain Hodges and fifty 
men, killing all but six of them within a few miles of Fort 
William Henry. 

In the middle of the winter of 1757 a party of French, 
Canadians and Indians attempted to take Fort William Henry 
by surprise, hoping to capture it. They reached the fort on 
the 18th of March but Major Eyre who, with three hundred 
and forty men, was stationed there, had learned of their 
approach and the attempt at capture was a failure. The 
French destroyed the hospital, a sa^\^nill, several sloops, a 
number of boats and piles of lumber. 

Rogers and his Rangers were unusually active during the 
winter of 1758. Their activity and daring made the French 
commander at Tieonderoga almost distracted. They butchered 
cattle, burned piles of wood and captured prisoners, under the 
very guns of the fort and even entered the ditches of the fort 
itself. About the middle of March, Rogers left Fort Edward 
with one hundred and eighty men. The first night he camped 
at Half-Way Brook, the second on Lake George at the Nar- 
rows, the third at Sabbath Day Point. The French com- 
mander at Tieonderoga learned of the approach of Rogers 
and sent out a party of two hundred Indians, and some 
French and Canadians to attack him. Rogers, not suspecting 
that his approach was known, proceeded toward Tieonderoga, 
and in the vicinity of Trout Brook met a party of ninety 
Indians whom he attacked at once. He killed several and 
the others retreated. As he followed them he came upon the 
whole force that had been sent against him, which outnum- 
bered his nearly three to one. A stubborn and deadly fight 
followed and Rogers and his men were gradually beaten back. 
One hundred and eight of his party were killed or wounded 
and the remainder broke and fled, each man looking out for 
himself. Lieutenant Phillips and eighteen men were sur- 

91 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

rounded and surrendered on a promise of good treatment, but 
they would have done far better to have fought till the last 
man was killed, as they were tied to trees and hacked to death, 
not a man escaping. Rogers and twenty of his men, made a 
running fight but finally scattered for greater safety. Rogers 
soon found himself at the top of the mountain overlooking 
Lake George. The side of the mountain was an abrupt preci- 
pice of a thousand feet. It was impossible to go down it, so 
he went down the back of tlie mountain, first putting his 
snowshoes on backward. When he reached the lake shore 
some distance away, he skirted it till he was at the foot of 
the precipice. Then, putting his snowshoes on properly, he 
walked up the lake toward Fort William Henry. When the 
Indians reached the top of the cliff and saw Rogers going up 
the lake, they thought he had gone down the precipice on his 
snowshoes and, feeling that he was under the protection of 
the Great Spirit, felt that it would be idle to follow him. This 
rock is still known as Roger's Slide. 

Notwithstanding his narrow escape, Rogers was not at all 
daunted and six weeks later he captured three prisoners almost 
under the very walls of Crown Point. 

After the battle of Ticonderoga both Abercrombie at Fort 
Edward and Montcalm at Ticonderoga were busy strengthen- 
ing their works. Montcalm sent several large bodies of men 
to South Bay to reconnoiter the country between Fort Ed- 
ward and Fort William Henry, and to prevent supplies being 
sent to the latter place. One of the parties sent out from 
South Bay destroyed a large wagon train and killed one hun- 
dred and sixteen men near Half-Way Brook. Abercrombie 
sent out Rogers with five hundred men to put a stop to such 
movements. They crossed Lake George and went over the 
mountains to Lake Champlain hoping to intercept the French, 
who had been at South Bay, but they were too late. Rogers 
then went toward Fort Edward to intercept a body of French, 
and Indians said to be in that vicinity. He fell into an 
ambush set for him by the famous French Ranger, ]\Iarin, 
who with five hundred men, was scouting in that section. 

92 



THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY 

Putnam, who commanded the advance force, was captured by 
a big Indian and bound to a tree. The fight was very bitter 
and stubborn and each party was driven back several times. 
Putnam was between the opposing forces and exposed to the 
fire of each. The French at last were driven from the field, 
but the Indian who captured Putnam carried him away as a 
prisoner. The Indians tied him to a tree, piled wood around 
him and set fire to it, but a sudden rain extinguished the 
flames. The savages started the fire afresh and Putnam 
would have been burned to death had not the French leader 
saved his life. An account of a few of the many deeds of the 
Rangers of these times has been given. One more will be 
quite sufficient to make clear what was suffered at this time 
on the New York frontier. 

The most remote settlement on the Mohawk was at Ger- 
man Flatts, where Herkimer now is. This was a settlement 
of Germans from the Palatinate. At three o'clock of the 
morning of the 12tli of November, 1757, a French officer 
named Beletre, with a force of three hundred French and 
Indians, surprised the settlement. All the dwellings, barns 
and other buildings were burned. Nearly fifty of the inhab- 
itants were killed and nearly three times as many — mainly 
women and children — made prisoners. They were taken to 
Canada and paraded in the streets of Montreal. One man 
was killed in the presence of many white spectators, his body 
cooked and his companions forced to eat his flesh. This is 
stated on the authority of Bourgainville. Some French wri- 
ters assert that mothers were made to eat their own children. 
Bourgainville shuddered at the sight of these horrors, but 
was powerless to prevent them. At this time Canadian pub- 
lic opinion was pretty lenient regarding the actions of the 
Indians so long as it was the English who were the sufferers. 
Bigot, the Intendant, said the savages must be kept in good 
humor at any cost. The latter reeled in crowds through the 
streets of Montreal drunk, insolent, offensive, unrestrained 
and dangerous. Never before or after were the fortunes of 
the Anglo-Saxons in America at so low an ebb. Oswego and 

93 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Fort William Henry were scenes of desolation and Crown 
Point and Tieonderoga were in the hands of the French. 
Lonisburg still hold out. The colonies were disheartened and 
their Indian allies had lost faith in the English. The English 
governniont was in the most incapable hands it had ever 
known and there was gloom on every hand. 

1758. — The incapable Newcastle had now given place to 
the able, forceful and energetic Pitt. Vigorous measures 
were planned for America. Ticonderoga, Louisburg and Fort 
Duquesne were to be the objective points of the campaign of 
1758. Forbes was to lead the movement against Fort Du- 
quesne, Andierst that against Louisburg, while the expedition 
against Ticonderoga was to be commanded by the slow, dull 
and incapable Abercrombie ; but Lord Tlowe was to be the 
second in counuand and nnich was hoped and expected of 
him. He was regarded as being a most promising young offi- 
cer, Wolfe declaring him to be "the best officer in the English 
array." Howe was not only a line soldier and free from the 
narrow-minded prejudices so common among the British offi- 
cers of that time, but he grasped the colonial point of view 
and recognized the worth of the men who had had experience 
in border warfare. In speaking of the British officers in 
America, Hart, in his "Fall of New France," says that both 
Loudon and Abercrombie were "notorious for previous incom- 
petency. ' ' 

An attempt was made to reduce Louisburg. Amherst was 
to lead twelve thousand men against it. Admiral BoscaAveu 
was to cooperate with him and for this purpose had twenty- 
three ships of the line and seventeen frigates. While Am- 
herst and Boscawen were attempting the reduction of the 
strongest fortress in America, Abercrombie assembled twenty 
thousand men at Albany for a movement against the French 
at Ticonderoga. He had the largest, strongest and best 
equipped force ever gathered under one command in Amer- 
ica. O^. third of his army was made up of British regu- 
lars. 

The movements against Fort Duquesne and Louisburg 

94 




o 



o c 



W .2 



K) 



THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY 

drew so heavily upon the French forces for defense that 
]\Iontcalm had less than four thousand men with which to 
oppose the overwhelming force of Abercrombie. It seemed 
the greatest folly to attempt the defense of Ticonderoga 
under such circumstances, but ]\IontcaIm decided on taking 
a chance on the stupidity of Abercrombie — a risk that 
the very recent past warranted and which the result justi- 
fied. 

Nine thousand provincial troops and seven thousand Brit- 
ish regulars assembled at Lake George. The massacre at 
Fort William Henry only the year before was fresh in the 
minds of the men and they were eager to avenge the death 
of their friends and countrymen. On the 6th of July the 
largest army that had ever gathered at Lake George embarked 
on a fleet of more than a thousand boats: batteaus, whale 
boats and flat boats. Flags were flying, bands and bagpipes 
playing and bugles sounding. Barclaj' saj's : ' ' The summer 
dawn was brilliant and cloudless. The sun had just risen 
over the mountain tops and chased away the mists that night 
had gathered along the swampy shores. Not a breath of air 
was stirring on the water, not a ripple ruffling the silver sheen 
of its surface." 

Bradley writes as follows: 

Ten thousand oars with measured beat caught the sunlight and 
the bands of the various regiments with their martial music woke 
the echoes of the mountains which, as the lake narrowed, lifted high 
above it on either side, their leafy sides and crests. Many a man 
went proudly down Lake George that day beneath the flag of Eng- 
land who, twenty years later, was upon this very spot to be found 
tiu'ning his sword against his mother country and his King. Lee was 
there, a hot-tempered British captain and, curiously enough, of 
marked unpopulaiity among the prorincials. Stark and Israel Put- 
nam, too, were present, hardy and conspicuous riflemen from New 
England frontier farms, and Philip Schuyler, Dutch gentleman and 
patroon, now leading a New York company and some day to be 
Washington's favorite general, and Alexander Hamilton's father-in- 
law. 

95 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Parkman says: 

The spectacle was superb; the brightness of the summer day, the 
romantic beauty of the sceneiy, the sheen and sparkle of the crystal 
waters, the countless islets tufted with pine, birch and fir, the border- 
ing mountains with their green summits and sunny crags, the flash 
of oars and glitter of weapons, the banners, the varied unifonus and 
the notes of bugle, trumpet, bagpipe and dnam answered and pro- 
longed by a hundred woodland echoes. 

JMontcalm. had less than four thousand men, but was ex- 
pecting three thousand reinforcements. Abercrombie, learn- 
ing this, resolved to make his attack at the earliest possible 
moment. IMontcalm had built across the promontory a breast- 
work that was nine feet high, twenty feet thick at the base 
and ten at the top. It was constructed with many angles so 
as to afford an opportunity for a deadly cross-fire on an 
attacking force. The French had mounted heavy artillery and 
there was a deep and wide trench in front of the breastworks. 
For a hundred yards in front of it the ground was thickly 
covered with fallen trees, the tops pointing toward an ap- 
proaching enemy, and many of the branches had been sharp- 
ened. It would not have been an easy task for a body of 
troops to have made its way through this tangled mass of 
fallen trees if no opposition were offered, and one cannot see 
why Abercrombie should have been so foolish as to order his 
men to assault these works in the face of such difficulties 
when, had he waited to bring up his cannon, he could very 
soon have destroyed the weak defenses or he could have taken 
a few cannon to the top of ]\Iount Defiance, as did Burgoyne 
at a later day, and the French would have been compelled to 
abandon the place ; or, had he marched by the fort toward the 
north, he could have prevented the coming of reinforcements 
and have cut off Montcalm's retreat. His force was more 
than ample for any of these movements, or for all of them, 
but he chose to take the only course that made defeat possible. 

The army landed at the foot of the lake and at once began 
a reconnoissance. Putnam led the advance and was closely 

96 



THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY 

followed by the whole army, marching in four columns, the 
first led by Lord Howe. They soon met a single battalion of 
the enemy who at once retreated. The English moved on 
and the first column soon crossed Trout Brook and entered a 
growth of immense pines and thick cedars, where they met a 
party of French and Indians who had become confused in 
their retreat. There was a sharp fire for a few minutes and 
Lord Howe was killed. Stark, Putnam and Rogers, with their 
Rangers, being accustomed to fighting under such conditions, 
at once engaged the enemy, some three hundred of whom were 
soon killed or wounded and the remainder, one hundred and 
forty-eight in number, surrendered. So far the movement 
was a success, but the English were greatly disheartened over 
the death of Lord Howe, who was loved and trusted by the 
entire army, while but few had faith in Abercrombie. 

Against the works already described the English and pro- 
vincials struggled for hours. Again and again they charged 
the works only to meet a storm of shot and to struggle hope- 
lessly against the obstacles in their path. After charging the 
works for six times and losing two thousand men, the English 
began a retreat. Abercrombie, who still had an effective force 
that outnumbered that of Llontcalm more than three to one 
and with which he might still have won an easy victory, be- 
came panic-stricken and hastened back to Fort William 
Henry, going in such haste as to leave behind him hundreds 
of barrels of provisions, and a large quantity of baggage. He 
fled as though pursued by a greatly superior force. Fiske 
says : ' ' Our accounts agree in representing the general 's con- 
duct as disgraceful. He seems to have lost his head and 
thought only of escaping as from a superior foe. By the time 
he had returned to the head of the lake, Abercrombie found 
himself a laughing stock. People called him a poltroon, an 
old woman, ]\Irs. Nabbycrombie, and such other nicknames 
and epithets as served to relieve their feelings." 

Ticonderoga w'as one of the bloodiest and most desperately 
fought battles of our history, both glorious and shameful : 
glorious because of the sublime courage of the men, shameful 

97 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

because of the inexpressible stupidity of the commanding 
officer. 

"With Lake George and Ticonderoga one need not go 
abroad in order to visit scenes full of historical significance 
and fitted to arouse feelings of patriotism and love of country. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Bradstreet believed that the French, 
were stripping Fort Frontenac of its troops in order to pro- 
vide for the defense of other posts, and he was confident that 
it could be easily captured. He presented his views to Lord 
Loudon, who was inclined to favor an expedition against 
Frontenac, but when Abercrombie took command of the army 
that was to operate against Canada he opposed the movement. 
Lord Howe believed in Bradstreet 's plan and favored it. A 
council of war was held which advised an attempt to capture 
the place and Abercrombie gave a reluctant consent. He gave 
Bradstreet three thousand men, all but two hundred of whom 
were provincials. The little army which was joined by a few 
Oneidas went to Oswego by the Mohawk route. On the 22d 
of August, 1768, Bradstreet started to cross Lake Ontario in 
a fleet of whale boats. Three days later he landed near the 
French fort and the following day established himself within 
less than two hundred yards of it. As he expected, the fort 
was defended by a mere handful of men, only about one hun- 
dred in number. The French surrendered the fort on the 
27th. Bradstreet played a part similar to that of Montcalm 
at an earlier date in the capture of Oswego and Fort William 
Henry, and Llontcalm made the same mistake that Loudon 
did, which gave Bradstreet his opportunity. When it was 
too late, three thousand men were sent to relieve Frontenac, 
just as Loudon was too late in sending Webb to reinforce 
Oswego. 

Bradstreet captured nine armed vessels at Frontenac, the 
entire French naval force on Lake Ontario. He kept the 
largest two to carry captured supplies to Oswego and de- 
stroyed the others. He secured sixty cannon, sixteen mor- 
tars, an immense quantity of provisions, naval stores and 
munitions of war, and a great quantity of Indian goods for 

98 



THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY 

the western French posts. He dismantled the fort, burned 
the buildings and destroyed all supplies that he was unable 
to carry with him. The fall of Frontenac made Niagara and 
Fort Duquesne of little value. All the French posts on the 
Great Lakes and in the Ohio and Mississippi valleys were cut 
off from communication with Montreal and therefore soon fell. 

The beginning of the end had come. The success of Brad- 
street had a great effect upon the Indians, confirming in their 
loyalty those who had adhered to the cause of the English and 
causing many of the Indian allies of the French to waver. 
Fort Duquesne fell in November and was renamed in honor 
of Pitt, the great English minister. This ended the campaign 
of 1758. The outlook for the coming year was gloomy enough 
for the French. 

1759. — The long series of British disasters in America was 
about to come to an end. A vigorous campaign was deter- 
mined upon. Wolfe was to be sent against Quebec, Prideaux 
was to attack Niagara, Oswego was to be reinforced, and 
Pittsburgh made secure. Amherst was to replace Abercrom- 
bie. In the spring of 1759 he began a movement, having 
]\Iontreal as its objective point, and its purpose the aid of 
Wolfe by keeping as many French as possible in the Cham- 
plain Valley. 

By the end of June Amherst was at Lake George with 
eleven thousand men, half of whom were British regulars. 
His army embarked on the 21st of July. There were repeated 
the scenes that marked the embarkation of Abercrombie the 
year before — the long procession of boats, the flaunting of 
banners, the display of brilliant uniforms and the sound of 
martial music. 

The French had about twenty-three hundred men at Ticon- 
deroga and the works had been strengthened, but Amherst 
was not Abercrombie. He did not attempt to charge the 
French works but prepared to besiege the place. When the 
English had approached to within six hundred yards of the 
works the French blew up one bastion, attempted the destruc- 
tion of the whole works and retreated to Crown Point. Am- 

99 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

herst was deliberate. Before moving again against the French 
he rebuilt the works at Ticonderoga. 

Crown Point was the first French post established in the 
province of New York. A settlement of fifteen hundred in- 
habitants had grown up around the fort. There were fruit 
trees, vineyards and gardens. The country round about was 
settled and farms were cultivated. A motley congregation 
gathered in the church at Crown Point. There were richly 
dressed Frenchmen and feathered and paint-bedaubed sav- 
ages. As soon as Amherst was ready to move upon Crown 
Point the French abandoned the place. It was with the deep- 
est regret and the keenest sorrow that the Canadians left that 
beautiful country and abandoned forever the homes where 
they had lived so happily. A long line of barges carrying 
more than two thousand French soldiers, a hundred cannon, 
a great quantity of military supplies and all the inhabitants 
and their possessions, passed down the lake. The French then 
established themselves in a strong position on the Isle of Noix 
near the present Canadian line. 

As usual, Amherst stopped to fortify before following up 
the French. He built a strong fort at Crown Point at a cost 
of $10,000,000. Its walls were of solid masonry and twenty- 
five feet thick. No use was ever made of this fort erected at 
so great a cost. Amherst widened and improved the road 
between Ticonderoga and Crown Point, constructed other 
roads and built several vessels. He sent out exploring par- 
ties and, in fact, did nearly everything that he could do, 
except move against the enemy and so aid Wolfe. "When he 
was finally ready for an advance it was too late in the season 
to undertake a forward movement. 

The surrender of Quebec in the fall of 1759, following as 
it did the fall of Niagara, and the capture of Ticonderoga 
and Crown Point, brought the end very near. There was but 
little left for the campaign of 1760. Early in the spring of 
that year the French made a vain effort to recapture Quebec 
and fought the bloody battle of Saint-Foy. The war ended 
with the capture of Montreal on the 8th of September, 

100 



THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY 

In preparing the preceding chapter the following authorities were 
consulted and acknowledgments are hereby rendered for the assist- 
ance received : 

Baxter, James Phinnet, New France and New England. 

Benton, Nathaniel H., History of Herkimer County. 

Bradley, A. G., The Fight with France for North America. 

Brandow, John Henry, The Story of Old Saratoga. 

Buell, Augustus C, Sir William Johnson. 

Butler, B, C, Lake George and Lake Champlain. 

Cooke, Joseph, Centennial Address. 

, Sketches of Ticonderoga. 

FiSKE, John, Dutch and Quaker Colonies in America. 

, New France and New England, 

Fitch, Asa, Histoiy of Washington County. 

Greene, E. B., Pro\dncial America. 

Hart, Gerald, The Fall of New France. 

HoLDEN, Dr. a. W., History of the Town of Queensbury. 

Holden, James A., Half- Way Brook in History. 

Johnson, Rossiter, The Old French War. 

Palmer, Peter S., Histoi-y of Lake Champlain. 

Parker, Gilbert, Old Quebec. 

Parkman, Francis, Half-Century of Conflict. 

, Montcalm and Wolfe. 

Sloane, William L., The French War and the Revolution. 

Stone, William L., Life of Sir William Johnson. 

Thwaites, B. G., France in America. 

Documents relating to the Colonial History of the State of New 
York. 

Magazine of American History. 

Proceedings of the New York State Historical Association. 



IV 

NEW YOEK UNDER THE DUTCH 

Those Dutch are a strong people. They raised their land out of 
a marsh and went on for a long period of time breeding cows and 
making cheese, and might have gone on with their cows and cheese 
till doomsday. But Spain comes over and says, "We want you to 
believe in St. Ignatius." "Very soriy," replied the Dutch, "but we 
can't." "God ! but you must," says Spain ; and they went about with 
guns and swords to make the Dutch believe in St. Ignatius. Never 
made them believe in him, but did succeed in breaking their own 
vertebral column, however, and raising the Dutch into a great nation. 

Thomas Carlyle. 

As we study the influence of the Dutch in making the state 
of New York we will find that their great contribution was 
that of religious liberty and toleration, and, second to it, their 
general fairness in their treatment of the Indians. These two 
features and some minor ones will be brought out in the fol- 
lowing pages. 

At the very moment that Champlain was fighting the 
Mohawks at Ticonderoga, Henry Hudson was sailing along 
the coast of New England. Apparently these two events had 
no relation to each other, but Hudson was soon to discover a' 
great river and, as a result of that discovery, the Dutch were 
to establish a trading post at the head of navigation on that 
river, which would be in the IMohawk country. In the mean- 
time the Indians would learn the secret of their defeat by 
Champlain — firearms. 

When the Indians and the Dutch came together, the In- 
dians were longing for muskets and ammunition which the 
Dutch possessed, and the latter were seeking for furs of which 
the Indians had an abundance. The exchange was soon made 

102 



NEW YORK UNDER THE DUTCH 

to the advantage and satisfaction of both parties. This 
enabled the Mohawks to meet the French and Algonquins on 
equal terms. Their love for the Dutch was as warm as their 
hatred of the French was bitter. This love of one people and 
hatred of another, on the part of the Mohawks, was a matter 
of far-reaching consequence and played a very important part 
in the history of our state. 

The Dutch were a commercial people and the physical 
condition of their country contributed to make them a mari- 
time nation. The Dutch East India Company, an organiza- 
tion having vast powers, was engaged in a most profitable 
trade with India. Could an all-water route to that country 
be discovered their profits would be enormously increased. In 
common with all other maritime nations, the Dutch were 
greatly interested in finding such a route. Many men had 
been engaged in the search, one of the most noted of these 
being Henry Hudson. Perhaps no other man of his time was 
so familiar with navigation in high latitudes. Twice, under 
English auspices, he had tried to find a northwest passage to 
India, and failed. His employers not caring to invest money 
in a third effort, he took service with the Dutch East India 
Company. 

In a little yacht, the Ilalf Moon, a vessel of about eighty 
tons' burden, manned by about twenty men, part of them 
Dutch and part of them English, Hudson sailed from Am- 
sterdam on the 4th of April, 1609. This time he was to 
attempt a northeast passage. He rounded the North Cape, 
and sailed for Nova Zembla but, before reaching that island, 
his way was blocked by ice, and heavy fogs added to the diffi- 
culty of navigation. As it was clear that even if there were 
a northeast passage it would not be a practical commercial 
route, Hudson reluctantly turned back. 

He knew, and had corresponded with, John Smith. Like 
Smith, he believed in the existence of a northwest passage. 
Unwilling to go back to Holland and report a complete fail- 
ure, he resolved to cross the ocean. On the 17th of July he 
entered Penobscot Bay, where he remained for a time, replac- 

103 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

ing a mast that he had lost in his stormy passage across the 
Atlantic. This done, he sailed to the south and passed Cape| 
Cod on the 4th of August. On the 18th he reached Chesa 
peake Bay. Here he recognized that he had entered a locality ' 
that Smith had thoroughly explored, so he turned again to 
the north. Keeping close to the shore that he might notice 
any openings in the coast line, he first entered Delaware Bay 
and, on the 4th of September, rounded Sandy Hook, 

Who can imagine the feelings of the savages who, perhaps, 
had never seen any vessel larger than a canoe, as the Half 
Moon entered New York Harbor and sailed up the Hudson 
River? Who can conceive the exultation of Hudson as he 
entered the great river that bears his name, thinking that he 
had discovered the long-sought- for western passage ! Why 
should he not have felt confident and exultant? It was a 
common belief in his time that the continent was a very nar- 
row one, or that it was a series of islands with passages be- 
tween them. The irregularity of the Atlantic Coast, with its 
sounds and great bays, had helped to strengthen this belief. 
Hudson thought he had entered an arm of the sea, and really 
he had, for that is what the Hudson is below the Highlands. 
The water was salt and the tide rose and fell. Hudson sailed 
up the river rejoicing but, as the stream narrowed, and the 
water ceased to be salt, his hopes waned. When he had 
reached a point near Albany where the water was too shallow 
to make it safe to proceed in the Half Moon, he sent some 
men a considerable distance up the river in a small boat. 
They reported that the river steadily grew narrower and 
shallower, so he reluctantly turned his prow down the stream, 
returned to Holland, and reported his discoveries, giving an 
account of the quantities of furs possessed by the Indians 
and the willingness of the latter to part with them for a few 
trinkets. 

The discovery by Hudson was not an original one. Other 
white men had been before him, though probably he was in 
ignorance of that fact. During the winter of 1598 a few 
Hollanders belonging to the Greenland Company wintered on 

104 



"M, 



NEW YORK UNDER THE DUTCH 



anhattan Island and built two small huts there. But much 
earlier than that, in the spring of 1524, Verrazano, a Floren- 
tine, in the employment of the French, explored the coast of 
North America, going as far north as Labrador. He entered 
New York Bay and went a short distance up the Hudson 
River in a small boat. He reported his discovery to the King 
of France, but the French being at war at that time, the dis- 
covery did not attract the attention that it probably would 
have done otherwise. Still, the French fitted out some vessels 
and built a trading post on an island just below Albany, but 
it was abandoned long before the coming of Hudson. In 1525, 
Stephen Gomez, a Portuguese in the service of Spain, entered 
the Hudson River, sailed up it for some distance, and carried 
away a considerable quantity of furs obtained from the In- 
dians by trade but, for some reason, the Spanish never again 
came so far north. As the discovery by Hudson was the only 
one that was followed by any permanent results, all the honor 
of a discoverer belongs to him. 

The Hudson River has been known by a number of differ- 
ent names. The Iroquois called it Ca-ho-ha-ta-tea. Other 
Indian tribes knew it as the Shatemuck. Verrazano called 
it Le Grand. Hudson spoke of it as the Great River, or the 
Great River of the Mountains. The Dutch called it INIauritius 
in honor of Prince Maurice. It was often called the North 
River to distinguish it from the Delaware River, which was 
called the South River. To this day the Hudson is often 
called the North River. 

Early Dutch Voyagers and Traders. — We must not think 
of the Dutch merely as a trading nation. No people loved 
liberty more or had made greater sacrifices for it. At the 
time of which we are writing they had just triumphantly 
emerged from a forty years' war with Spain. We owe our 
love of liberty to our Dutch ancestors quite as much as to the 
Puritans. 

The next year after the discovery of Hudson, the Dutch 
East Indian Company sent over a vessel to engage in trade 
with the Indians. Several others soon engaged in the fur 

105 



NEW YORK'S TART IN HISTORY 

trade and, at the same time, made some efforts at exploration 
and discovery. Among the most noted of these were lleudrick 
Christiaensen^ Cornelis Jacobsen ]\Iey and Adriaen Block. The 
last-named voyager came to this country in 1613 in the ship 
Tiger. One November night his vessel was burned just off 
the southern extremity of Manhattan Island. Block was com- 
pelled to spend the winter there and with characteristic 
energy he built a new vessel which he called the Restless, a 
little boat which was only 44Vi> feet long and llVij feet wide. 
In the spring he proceeded to explore the coast east of Man- 
hattan Island and discovered the Housatonic and the Con- 
necticut rivers, the latter of which he called Fresh River to 
distinguish it from the Hudson, which was salt. He discov- 
ered and explored Narragansett Bay and two small islands at 
the eastern extremity of Long Island, to one of which he gave 
his name. 

In 1614 the United New Netherland Company was char- 
tered and given the monopoly of the trade with the new 
country. It was at this time that the name New Netherland 
seems to have been first applied to the Dutch possessions in 
America. If anyone else traded in the territory to which this 
company was given a monopoly, their vessels and cargoes were 
liable to confiscation, and the owners to a heavy fine, all to 
go to the New Netherland Company. The company was char- 
tered for the short period of three years and, at the expira- 
tion of this time, a renewal was refused but the company was 
licensed to trade in the territory from year to year. 

In 1540, the early French traders erected a fort just below 
Albany, on what is known as Castle Island, but it had been 
abandoned many years before the discovery of Hudson. The 
United New Netherland Company occupied and repaired this 
post, erected a trading house 26 feet by 36 feet in dimension, 
and surrounded it by a strong stockade 50 feet square, out- 
side of which was a moat 18 feet wide. The place was garri- 
soned by twelve men, and the works mounted two cannon and 
eleven swivel guns. Another trading post was erected at the 
southern extremity of I\Ianhattan Island, which gave the com- 

106 



NEW YORK UNDER THE DUTCH 

pany the two most important trading stations in the colony 
at that time. The fort on Manhattan Island was made the 
headquarters of the company, thus giving that island at the 
outset the commercial supremacy that it has ever since main- 
tained. 

Having one post at the mouth of the Hudson and another 
at the head of navigation, it was but natural that an inter- 
mediate point should be chosen as well, so one was established 
at Esopus (now Kingston) or, as it was sometimes called, 
Wiltwyck. This particular place was doubtless chosen be- 
cause the Esopus Creek and Rondout Creek, together with 
the Wallkill River and the various branches of these streams, 
gave easy access to a large stretch of fertile country and 
opened up trade with several Indian tribes. In the time of 
Stuyvesant there was much trouble with the Esopus Indians 
and other tribes in that vicinity. 

The Dutch did not rely solely on their posts for commerce 
with the Indians, but sent runners through the country mak- 
ing the acquaintance of new tribes and cementing the friend- 
ship of those already known, thus greatly increasing the 
traffic of the company. 

The Dutch West India Company. — The Dutch "West India 
Company was chartered in 1621. The States-General gave it 
almost imperial powers. Although a private company, its 
charter permitted it to contract alliances, declare war, make 
peace, build forts and ships, organize cities, administer jus- 
tice, appoint and dismiss governors and perform such other 
offices as might be necessary to the carrying-on of its enter- 
prises. Declaration of war, making of peace and the more 
important appointments were subject to the approval of the 
States-General. The company was given a monopoly of the 
trade on the Atlantic coasts of Africa and America. Any 
persons infringing upon its rights were liable to have their 
vessels seized which, witli their cargoes, would become the 
property of the company. 

In return for all these privileges the company was bound 
to carry on trade within the territory in which it was given 

107 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

a monopoly, to attack the Spaniards in their American col- 
onies, and Spanish ships upon the seas. The formation of 
the Great Dutch West India Company was, in part, for the 
purpose of fighting Spain in America ; in part, to prevent the 
extension of Spanish settlements here, and, in a lesser degree, 
to build up trade. 

In case of war the States-General was to furnish the com- 
pany with twenty warships which the latter was to man and 
support at its own expense. In addition, the company was 
to maintain a fleet of its own of not less than twenty vessels. 
As a matter of fact, it sometimes had as many as seventy 
vessels in commission. Between 1626 and 1628 the company 
captured more than one hundred Spanish vessels, including a 
number of silver ships, and made enormous profits. 

There is more or less uncertainty regarding the early 
government of New Netherland. There are no records of an 
earlier date than 1630. The first agent of the Dutch West 
India Company appears to have been Cornelis Jacobsen Mey, 
who held that office about a year and was followed by AA^illiam 
Verhulst, who held the office for about the same length of 
time. Following him were four Dutch governors or director- 
generals who governed the colony during the remainder of 
the Dutch rule. 

Peter Mirniit, 1626-1633.— Peter Minuit was the first 
Dutch governor. It is commonly claimed that Peter Stuyves- 
ant was the greatest of the Dutch governors and, if the matter 
be determined by a comparison of mere intellectual strength 
and ability, that is probably the ease, but if it be determined 
by the far-reaching and beneficent consequences of one's acts, 
then Minuit may successfully contest the claim with Stuy- 
vesant. 

One of the first acts of ]\Iinuit was the purchase of Man- 
hattan Island from the Indians. He gave beads, ribbons and 
other trinkets to the value of twenty-four dollars for the 
twenty-two thousand acres of land that the island contains — 
a seemingly paltry sum, but land was not worth much in this 
country at that time. The fact that he paid for it at all is a 

108 



NEW YORK UNDER THE DUTCH 

matter worthy of consideration when it is remembered that in 
many of the colonies the settlers took the land without paying 
the Indians anything. Then, the Indians were satisfied with 
what they received, and perhaps properly so, as it is said that 
the amount paid would, had it been put at interest at that 
time at current rates of interest and been compounded till the 
present time, have amounted to a sum sufficient to buy all the 
land of the island today. The notable thing is that Minuit 
set the example of paying the Indians for their land — an 
example that all his successors followed and the English after 
them. 

Minuit established, and always maintained, friendly rela- 
tions with the Indians as did all his successors excepting 
Kieft. The fact that the Indians were recognized as the own- 
ers of the land which they occupied had, no doubt, not a little 
to do with the maintaining of the peaceable relations that 
existed. IMinuit also lived in peace and harmony with the 
settlers in New England and the people of his own province. 

The greatest act of ]\Iinuit's administration, which was 
probably the most important act of the Dutch period, was the 
establishment of religious liberty and toleration. No other 
colony, not even Pennsylvania or Maryland, equaled New 
York in this respect. The famous Toleration Act of ^Maryland 
would not be regarded as very tolerant now anywhere, and 
never would have been in New Netherland any more than in 
New York in our time. Minuit welcomed "Walloons, Hugue- 
nots, Lutherans, Baptists, Catholics and members of all other 
religious organizations. When they took the oath of alle- 
giance, they were equal in rights and privileges to the members 
of the Dutch Reformed Church. There was absolutely no 
discrimination of any nature on account of religious belief. 
The importance of this fact cannot well be overestimated. It 
made New Amsterdam cosmopolitan almost from the first. 
The colony of New Netherland was, and the province and 
state of New York has since been, "the melting pot" of all 
nations, all religions and all political beliefs. 

Minuit was well fitted for the position that he occupied. 

109 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

He had had much experiouce in controlling new countries 
through his long connection with the India Company. He 
had an inherent faculty for governing. He was possessed of 
a kindly disposition and was always inclined toward concilia- 
tion. The little settlement on ^Manhattan Island prospered 
under his wise management, but the plan of the company was 
not conducive to rapid growth in population and, under the 
management of a less tactful man than ^iinuit, would have 
been likely to prove fatal to prosperity. The settlers were 
not allowed to have any part in the government. The gov- 
ernor was given almost despotic power and, with the excep- 
tion that he could not inflict capital punishment, he could do 
almost as he chose. Minuit's government was exceedingly 
despotic in theory but extremely liberal in fact. AVhat a gov- 
ernor might do under the form of government that the AVest 
India Company organized is clearly shown in the adminis- 
trations of Kieft and Stuyvesant. 

The Dutch governors were assisted by a council appointed 
sometimes by the Amsterdam Chamber and sometimes by the 
governor himself, but the council had almost no power except 
as an advisory body. The governor possessed legislative, judi- 
cial and executive power. The most important of the other 
ofificials were a Schout Fiscal, who acted as sheriff and col- 
lector of customs, and the Koopman, who was the secretary 
of the province and the bookkeeper of the company's ware- 
house. 

In 1623 about thirty families of Walloons (French Prot- 
estants from the Netherlands) came to this country. ]\Iost 
of them settled at Fort Orange, but some of them went to 
Long Island and located at what is now Wallabout Bay. 
These people made most excellent citizens, being capable and 
industrious, and some of them w'ere skillful mechanics. 

The first clergj-man of the colony was Rev. Jonas IMichael- 
ius, who came to New Amsterdam in 1628. He was to hold 
religious services and instruct the children. The religious 
services were held in the loft of a horsemill. Previous to the 
coming of Michaelius there were "visitors of the sick" whose 

110 



NEW YORK UNDER THE DUTCH 

business it was to read the Bible to t?je sick and conduct 
relig'ious services Sunday mornings. 

The Patroons. — In 1629 the Assembly of Nineteen pro- 
posed, and the States-General ratified, an act providing t?jat 
any director of, or stockholder in, the West India Company 
might take up land along any stream to the extent of sixteen 
miles along one side of it, or eight miles on each side, and 
extending as far back "as the situation of the occupiers will 
permit," providing that within four years from the time of 
the announcement of their intention to occupy the land they 
.settle upon it fifty or more people fifteen years of age or 
older. If a larger nimiber than fifty settlers were located, the 
size of the grant might be proportionately increased. These 
great estates were known as manors and their proprietors 
were known as patroons. The largest manor, and the only 
one that was .successful through a long period of time, was 
that of Kilaen Van Rensselaer, which included all of the pres- 
ent counties of Albany and Rensselaer and a part of Columbia. 

The patroons, as was the universal custom among the 
Dutch, were required to satisfy the Indians for their intere.si; 
in, and ownership of, the land. This they were able to do 
for a trifling sum. They were also required to maintain a 
minister and a schoolmaster for the benefit of their tenants. 
The patroons could dispo.se of their manors by wiU the same 
as any other property. In ca.se a city grew up on a manor, 
the patroon of the manor could appoint aU its officials. None 
of the tenants on a manor could leave it for the period for 
which they were bound, usuallj' ten years, without a written 
permit from the patroon. A patroon had an exclusive right 
to hunt and fish on his manor and all the grains raised on his 
manor mu-st be ground at his mill. The patroon,s were petty 
sovereigns within their domains and their tenants were little 
better than slaves of the soil for a term of years. It is sur- 
prising that the liberty-loving Dutch .should have allowed to 
be introduced into their colony a modified form of feudalisTn, 
or that anyone could have been found who would s-ubmit to 
it. It prevented a rapid settlement of the colony and a far-o5 

111 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

echo of its evils is found iu the insurrection known as the 
"anti-rent war," that occurred two hundred years later. 

The patroons were permitted to trade along the coast, but 
they were obliged to bring their cargoes to New Amsterdam, 
whence they could be sent to Holland upon payment of a duty 
of five per cent. They were not permitted to engage in the 
fur trade at any point where the company had a factory. 

All who came over as tenants of the patroons had their 
passage paid, and those who came over at their own expense 
had as much land given them as they could "properly culti- 
vate." They were exempt from all taxes for a period of ten 
years, but in no case could they have any voice in the govern- 
ment. They were forbidden to engage in any kind of manu- 
facturing or to take any part in the fur trade with the In- 
dians, both these being monopolies of the company. The 
company agreed to provide the colonists "with as many slaves 
as they conveniently could." 

In 1631 two Belgian ship-builders visited the colony and 
were so impressed with the abundance of excellent timber that 
they persuaded Minuit to engage in ship-building. Using the 
company's means, he caused a vessel of eight hundred tons' 
burden to be built. This was one of the largest vessels in the 
world at that time, and it was nearly two hundred years be- 
fore another as large was built in this country. The vessel 
was very appropriately named the New Netherland. It cost 
much more to build it than had been expected and the com- 
pany was greatly displeased. 

Though forbidden to do so, the patroons did engage in the 
fur trade surreptitiously. The company thought iNIinuit was 
not as active in suppressing this illegal trade as he should 
have been, and that he was more interested in the welfare of 
the colonists than in the financial prosperity of the company. 
The great expense incurred by Minuit, in building the New 
Netherland, led to an investigation of the affairs of the colony, 
and this in turn led to the recall of ]\Iinuit. 

The patroon system had its advantages as well as its dis- 
advantages. It provided for schools and churches. It satis- 

112 



NEW YORK UNDER THE DUTCH 

fied the Indians for their lands. But it introduced slavery, 
established monopoly and created an aristocratic class with 
special privileges. 

Wouter Van Twiller, 1633-1637.— It is a little difficult to 
tell why Wouter Van Twiller should have been appointed 
Director-General of New Netherland unless it was because he 
had married a niece of Kiliaen Van Rensselaer, the most 
powerful and influential of the directors of the West India 
Company, who perhaps wanted in that position someone who 
would be favorable to his interests. Van Twiller had been to 
New Netherland twice in the employment of Van Rensselaer 
and he had been a clerk in the company's warehouse at Am- 
sterdam for five years. His selection was a sorry choice and 
it occasioned much surprise. He was a person of question- 
able morals, unduly fond of good living; he had no practical 
knowledge of government and was not a good judge of men 
or their motives. He was irresolute, narrow-minded, slow in 
thought, word and act; possessed a petty spirit; was very 
stubborn, yet easily influenced by stronger minds, and beyond 
all else he was woefully lacking in judgment. Yet Van 
Twiller had some good qualities. He was a shrewd trader, 
possessed an unfailing good-nature and was naturally kind- 
hearted. He generally kept on good terms with those with 
whom he was brought in contact, but he exercised the least 
influence over the fortunes of the colony of any of the Dutch 
governors. 

Van Twiller brought over with him one hundred and four 
soldiers, the first military force brought to this country. 
Everardus Bogardus, the second clergyman of the little colony 
on Manhattan Island, came over with Van Twiller. He was 
a much stronger character than his predecessor and, for many 
years, was a notable figure in the colony. He married An- 
netje Jans, a widow, and one of the richest persons in the 
colony, and this added to his importance and his influence. 
He had some differences with Van Twiller and many more 
with Kieft. Bogardus was not beyond reproach in all re- 
spects. He had a hasty temper, a brusque manner, and was 

113 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

said to be very fond of strong drink, and sometimes unduly 
under its influence, but that did not mean as much in those 
days as it would now, as the use of strong drink was almost 
universal then. Clergymen usually drank, as did everyone 
else, and sometimes to excess, but whatever the shortcomings \ 
of Bogardus may have been, he stood firmly for that which 
he believed to be right and the little settlement was, without 
doubt, the better for his being a member of it. 

The predecessor of Bogardus preached in the loft of the 
horsemill but the strong, resolute and forceful Bogardus 
would not tolerate such accommodations, so a church was built 
for him on Pearl Street and a parsonage near by. Bogardus 
not only preached most vigorously on Sunday, but he took 
an exceedingly active and effective part in civil affairs during 
the week. Soon, he and Kieft had differences and he de- 
nounced Kieft from his pulpit, calling him "a child of the 
devil and a most consummate villain." The director never 
after attended service. 

Another notable event was the arrival, with Van Twiller, 
of a schoolmaster named Adam Roelentsen. The event was 
not a notable one because of what Roelentsen was or what he 
did, but as showing the importance which the Dutch placed 
upon education which, by the way, is evidenced by frequent 
reference to the matter in their records. The Dutch seem to 
have been more concerned in regard to the education of their 
children at this early date than was the case in any other col- 
ony with the possible exception of Massachusetts. 

Van Twiller was very free in spending the money of the 
company. He built a guardhouse and barracks within the 
fort for the accommodation of the soldiers he brought over 
with him, and several small houses for their officers. He built 
within the fort, for his own use, the most elaborate dwelling 
which, at the time, could be found in all New Netherland. 
Van Twiller built for himself, on one of the company 's farms, 
a house, a barn, a boathouse and a brewery. He used another 
farm for a tobacco plantation, tilling it with the company's 
slaves and appropriating the proceeds. The greater part of 

114 



NEW YORK UNDER THE DUTCH 

the island was divided into six bouweries or farms for the 
company's use, two of which were used as has been men- 
tioned and the others were wholly neglected. 

In 1636 Van Twiller gave Roelof Jansen, who had been 
assistant superintendent of farms at Rensselaerwyck, a grant 
of sixty-two acres of land on IManhattan Island, situated a 
little to the northwest of Fort Amsterdam. This was the 
valuable estate that eventually came into the possession of 
Trinity Church and was the cause of much litigation. Jansen 
died soon after receiving the grant and the property went to 
his widow, who married Dominie Bogardus in 1638. After 
his death his widow returned to Rensselaerswyck, where she 
died in 1668. 

Both the Dutch and the English claimed the territory of 
New Netherland. The following event illustrates the irreso- 
lution of Van Twiller as well as his incapacity. Soon after 
his arrival at New Amsterdam, an English vessel entered the 
harbor, having on board an assortment of goods for the Indian 
trade. The factor was Jacob Jacobs Eelkins, who had traded 
with the Indians at Fort Orange during the administration of 
the United New Netherland Company. Eelkins asked for a 
pass permitting him to go up the river. This Van Twiller 
refused. After a delay of a few days, during which there 
was more or less of controversy between Van Twiller and 
Eelkins, the latter repeated his request for a pass and said 
that if it were not given him he would sail without it, which 
he did to the great surprise of Van Twiller, who stood spell- 
bound, gazing at the receding vessel. The director ordered a 
barrel of wine to be broached and, drinking a glass of the 
liquor, asked all those who loved the Prince of Orange to join 
him, which they did most willingly. But after the barrel was 
empty, no one manifested any disposition to molest the Eng- 
lishman. Captain De Vries, one of the most powerful and 
most capable of the patroons who came to this country, remon- 
strated with Van Twiller and said that the guns of the fort 
should have opened fire upon the Englishman the moment he 
set sail. Spurred on by De Vries, Van Twiller sent several 

115 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

vessels up the river to capture Eelkins and bring him back 
to New Amsterdam. They found that Eelkins had been at 
Fort Orange several days and that he had pitched his tent 
on shore and was doing a thriving business in trading for 
furs, his vessel already being partly loaded. He was dis- 
posed to resist the authority of Van Twiller, but the force 
sent up was too strong for him, so he was taken on board and 
brought back to New Amsterdam, where his furs and the 
cargo of his vessel were confiscated and he was ordered to 
put to sea with his ship, after being warned never again to 
interfere with the trade of the West India Company. 

A little later than this the Indians massacred all the 
Dutch settlers on the Delaware and the post was occupied by 
a party of Virginians led by George Holmes, who began a 
trade with the Indians. When Van Twiller learned what had 
happened, he sent a force to the Delaware and brought the 
Virginians to New Amsterdam and, after reproving them 
sharply for invading Dutch territory, he sent them back to 
Virginia. Holmes and one other man chose to remain at New 
Amsterdam. They taught the Dutch how to raise tobacco 
and that soon became the most important industry of the 
colony, and continued to be for some years. 

One of the most important events that occurred during the 
administration of Van Twiller was the grant of "staple 
right," which New Amsterdam received in 1633. This was a 
feudal privilege which compelled all vessels trading along the 
coast or on the Hudson River to unload their cargoes at New 
Amsterdam or pay certain duties. This gave New Amster- 
dam a monopoly on all the trade of the Dutch province and 
greatly increased its wealth and prosperity. 

Van Twiller was thrifty and looked out for himself. In 
fact, it has been said that he looked out for nothing else. He 
bought, for his own use, Nutten Island, since known as Gov- 
ernor's Island, and two islands in the East River, becoming 
one of the largest private land-holders in New Netherland. 
He was removed from office in 1637, charged with diverting 
the money of the company to his own uses. 

116 



NEW YORK UNDER THE DUTCH 

William Kieft, 1637-1647. — Again, the company made a 
sorry choice for governor. Kieft had been a bankrupt. He 
had been sent to Turkey to ransom Christian prisoners and 
was accused of leaving some in captivity and retaining the 
money sent for their ransom. He was active, inquisitive, self- 
important, selfish, greedy, hypocritical and vindictive. He 
was industrious and temperate but narrow in his views. He 
possessed an unfortunate temper, had no talent for managing 
men, and was utterly lacking in administrative ability. 

Kieft found matters in a ruinous condition. The fort was 
out of repair, the guns dismounted, the company's farms 
untenanted, the cattle disposed of, only one windmill in work- 
ing order; in fact, such a condition of affairs as might have 
been expected after four years of the management of the 
shiftless, and none too honest. Van Twiller, 

Kieft proceeded to right matters with a vigorous hand. 
He issued proclamations almost without number. Fiske says : 
' ' If proclamations could reform society, the waspish and wiry 
little governor would have had the millennium in full opera- 
tion within a twelvemonth." He ordered that no person in 
the employment of the company should trade in pelfries; 
that no furs should be exported without special permission; 
that no one should sell powder and arms to the Indians under 
pain of death ; that all sailors should return to their vessels 
at nightfall ; that no one should retail liquor ' ' except those 
that sold wine at a decent price and in moderate quantities;" 
that fighting, lewdness, rebellion, theft, perjury, calumny, 
and "all other immoralities," should be prohibited. He fixed 
the hour at which people should go to bed and the hour at 
which they should begin, and finish, their day's work. Peo- 
ple were forbidden to leave New Amsterdam without pass- 
ports. But all his proclamations did not change the habits 
or the morals of the people. 

Kieft was given permission to fix the number of men in his 
council. He appointed one man, gave him one vote and 
assigned two to himself, so the council was really Kieft him- 
self or, speaking strictly, there really was no council, This 

117 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

was rather a suggestive beginning of his administration. 

At the close of the war with Spain, the States-General 
became more interested in the development of New Nether- 
land which, lip to that time, had been regarded as little more 
than a trading post. It insisted that the West India Company- 
should adopt some practical plan to encourage the immigra- 
tion of a good class of citizens and so insure a strong, perma- 
nent settlement. The monopoly of trade enjoyed by the West 
India Company was abolished and other liberal regulations 
were made that resulted in considerable immigration. Some 
men of wealth came to the colony and brought a large num- 
ber of tenants with them. About this time a considerable 
number came from New England and Virginia because of the 
more liberal government of New Amsterdam and because of 
the perfect religious freedom. Some said they came "to 
escape the insufferable government of New England." To 
meet the demands of the additional settlers, Kieft purchased 
additional land of the Indians, chiefly in the counties of 
Queens and Westchester. Among the settlers who came from 
New England to New Netherland were John Underbill, the 
famous Indian fighter and one of the heroes of the Pequod 
war ; Anne Hutchinson, a brilliant woman who was driven out 
of New England because of her religious views ; Isaac Aller- 
ton, who came over in the Mayfloicer ; and Thomas Willett, a 
Plymouth captain, who later became the first mayor of New 
York. 

During Kieft 's administration the West India Company 
offered to give all who came to New Netherland as much land 
as they "could properly cultivate" and to provide each man 
with a house, barn, cows, horses, pigs and all necessary agri- 
cultural implements. For this he was to pay two hundred 
dollars a year for six years. At the end of that time the farm 
became his, together with all the gain in stock, he having to 
return only what had been lent him. In 1640 a new class of 
landed proprietors was established known as "masters" or 
"colonists." Anyone who brought over five grown persons 
could occupy two hundred acres of land with the privilege of 

118 



NEW YORK UNDER THE DUTCH 

hunting and fishing, and the title named above. At the same 
time the law permitting the establishment of great estates by 
the patroons was so modified that any inhabitant of New 
Netherland might select land along any bay or navigable 
stream having one mile of water front and extending back 
two miles. 

Kieft established two annual fairs which were held upon 
Bowling Green, one in October for the display of fine cattle, 
the other in November for the exhibition of hogs. These fairs 
attracted so many visitors that a tavern was built for their 
accommodation. It fronted on East River and was located at 
what is now 73 Pearl Street, and was built at the Company 's 
expense. In 1643 it was used as the Stadt Huys (City Hall). 

Rev. Johannes IMegapolensis came to New Netherland in 
1642. At that time Bogardus was the only clergyman in the 
province. Megapolensis was employed by Kiliaen Van Rens- 
selaer and he settled in Rensselaerswyck (now Albany). At 
this time there were in the place about one hundred people 
who lived in twenty-five or thirty houses along the river. 
These houses were built of boards, thatched, and had no 
mason work except the chimneys. There was a wretched little 
fort, known as Fort Orange, which mounted four or five can- 
non and as many swivel guns. When Magapolensis came to 
Fort Orange there was no church, and services were held in 
his house. In 1643 a church was built that was thirty-four 
feet long and nineteen feet wide. 

Dominie Megapolensis was a man of ability. He learned 
the Mohawk language and preached to the Indians. He was 
largely instrumental in securing the liberty of Father Jogues. 
He wrote a very interesting account of the Mohawks and 
never lost his interest in them. He will always take high 
rank among the early Indian missionaries. It should not be 
forgotten that the earnest efforts of Magapolensis with the 
Indians preceded by several years the first effort of John 
Eliot of whose work we hear so much, while but few know the 
earlier and quite as earnest efforts of Megapolensis, who 
remained in this country till his death in 1669. For a quar- 

119 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

ter of a century he exercised a marked influence in the affairs 
of New Netherland. 

A new church was built for Bogardus during Kieft's 
administration. It was the finest building in New Amster- 
dam. It was of stone and was within the fort. After a time 
Kieft and Bogardus quarreled bitterly, chiefly over Indian 
affairs. When Bogardus remonstrated with Kieft, the latter 
accused him of drunkenness and of allying himself with mal- 
contents. The next Sunday Bogardus said from his pulpit: 
' ' AVhat are the great men of our country but vessels of wrath 
and fountains of woe and trouble? They think of nothing 
but to plunder the property of others, to dismiss, to banish 
and to transport to Holland." From that time Kieft, who 
had been a noted churchgoer, ceased his attendance. He tried 
to induce others to take the same course. Bogardus from his 
pulpit charged Kieft with murder, covetousness and gross 
excesses. Kieft ordered drums to be beaten and cannon to be 
fired during the service to distract attention so that Bogardus 
might not be heard. He summoned Bogardus to appear 
before the council, charging him with being drunk both when 
in the pulpit and when out of it, and also with using slan- 
derous language, sparing almost no one. Bogardus paid no 
attention to the summons. After a time mutual friends 
brought about a truce between the two men. Possibly Kieft 
and Bogardus were neither of them far wrong in their esti- 
mate of each other. Bogardus seems to have been both quar- 
relsome and intemperate. Kieft was wholly free from the 
latter fault. 

The contrast between the Dutch of New York and the 
residents of New England, in their treatment of the Indians, 
was most marked. The latter were engaged in almost cease- 
less Indian wars while the former were almost always on 
friendly terms with the natives, though their most exposed 
posts were at the very door of the strongest and the most 
warlike Indians of the continent. Of all the Dutch rulers 
and men of prominence, Kieft was the only exception to this 
rule. He is at least open to the suspicion of having planned 

120 



NEW YORK UNDER THE DUTCH 

to bring about an Indian war for the purpose of gain. His 
first step was demanding tribute of corn, furs or ■wampum of 
the Indians on the ground that the Dutch had defended them 
against their enemies, which was not the case. As a matter 
of course the Indians refused and there was no apparent 
reason why they should have complied. It is doubtful if 
Kieft expected them to do so. "Wliile no effort was made 
to enforce payment, the demand left a feeling of irrita- 
tion. 

The Algonquins along the Hudson, on Long Island and in 
New Jersey were bitter enemies of the Iroquois. The Dutch 
in their treaties promised not to interfere in the Indian wars 
or to take sides in their quarrels; then they furnished the 
Iroquois with firearms and refused to do the same with the 
Algonquins, which were the weaker party. This irritated the 
Algonquins and wholly estranged the River Indians but the 
imprudent Kieft did not wait for the savages to take the 
aggressive. 

Some swine had been stolen on Staten Island. The Rari- 
tan Indians, though living twenty miles away, were accused 
of the theft and also of attacking the yacht Vrede. "Without 
making any investigation, Kieft sent out a party of fifty 
soldiers who attacked the Indians, killed several of them and 
destroyed their crops. This was the first of a series of foolish 
and wicked acts that culminated in a horrible Indian war. 
This was in July. 1640. In September, 1641, a man named 
Claes Smits was killed by a Weckquaesgeek Indian. In the 
eyes of a white man it was murder pure and simple ; to an 
Indian it was a great virtue. Some sixteen years before this, 
when the Indian was a mere lad. he and his uncle and one or 
two other Indians were on their way to Fort Amsterdam with 
some beaver skins. The whole party, with the exception of 
the boy, were killed by some Dutchmen in order to obtain the 
furs. "When the lad grew up he killed Smits in retaliation 
according to Indian custom. Kieft demanded that the mur- 
derer be given up. This the tribe were apparently both un- 
willing and unable to do. Kieft wished instant war but was 

121 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

restrained through the influence of Bogardus, DeVries and 
others. 

In the winter of 1643 a party of nearly one hundred 
Mohawks came down the river to collect tribute from the 
Tappans and Weckquaesgeeks. In a conflict that occurred 
seventy of the Algonquins were killed and many women and 
children made prisoners. The River Indians fled to the Dutch 
for protection. Not feeling safe on Manhattan Island some 
fled to Pavonia and others to Corlear's Hook. This was an 
opportunity for the Dutch to have acted as mediators between 
the Algonquins and their Mohawk foes and by so doing they 
might have won the friendship and gratitude of all the River 
tribes. DeVries and a majority of the people favored this 
course but Kieft was delighted with an opportunity to punish 
the Indians for the comparatively minor offenses they had 
committed. In this he was sustained by Van Tienhoven, the 
provincial secretary, who clamored for the extermination of 
the Indians. The counsel of the violent prevailed. In vain 
did Bogardus warn Kieft not to be rash. In vain did La 
Montague call attention to the defenseless condition of the 
colony. In vain did DeVries represent that an attack could 
not be made without the consent of the Twelve Men, and his 
consent as chairman of the board. In vain did he foreshadow 
the ruin that would light on the Dutch who had settled on 
farms and had received no warning to be on their guard. He 
said to Kieft: "You go to break the Indians' heads; it is our 
own nation you are about to destroy. Nobody in the country 
knows anything of this!" This is a copy of the order issued 
by Kieft : 

February 25, 1643, We autlionze Maryn Andriessen, at his own 
request, with his associates, to attack a party of savages skulking 
behind Coi-lear's Hook, or plantation, and act Avith them in such a 
manner as they shall deem proper, and time and opportunity will 
pennit. Sergeant Rodolf is commanded to take a troop of soldiers 
and lead them to Pavonia, and there to drive away and destroy the 
savages lying near Jan Evartsen's, but to spare as much as possible 
their wives and children and take them pi-isouers. Hans Stein, who 

122 



NEW YORK UNDER THE DUTCH 

is well acquainted -n-ith the haunts of the Indians, is to go with him. 
The exploit should be executed at night with the greatest caution and 
prudence. Grod bless the expedition ! 

At Hoboken more than a hundred of the Indians were 
murdered. They offered no resistance and were butchered in 
cold blood. Men, women and children were killed indiscrim- 
inately. "Warrior and squaw, mother and babe were mas- 
sacred alike. Another party of the Dutch went to Corlear's 
Hook and massacred forty Indians there. Nothing in the 
history of savage warfare is more horrible. The atrocities 
committed were unspeakable. 

This cruel, heartless, inhuman and unprovoked attack 
bore bitter fruit. Eleven Indian tribes joined in a war 
against the Dutch. Every outlying farm and all the smaller 
settlements were ravaged. At one time it looked as though 
the settlement on ^Manhattan Island would be completely 
destroyed. At the end of a month only four or five farms 
were left undisturbed. 

Kieft's murder of the Indians at Pavonia and Corlear's 
Hook was followed by an attack on a Long Island tribe that 
had always lived in peace with the Dutch and been partic- 
ularly friendly to them. The Dutch had not even a su.spicion 
of any unfriendliness on their part. Kieft .seems to have lost 
his senses. Feeling for the Indians he probably never had. 

In the war that immediately followed the farmer was mur- 
dered in his field ; women and children were carried into cap- 
tivity; houses, barns, haystacks, grain, cattle and all crops 
were destroyed. Kieft had to bear the wrath of ruined farm- 
ers, childless men and widowed women. DeVries demanded 
of him : ' ' Has it not happened just as I said, that you were 
only helping to shed Christian blood?" The director was 
humbled for the time. The colony in his charge was nearly 
ruined. There was talk of deposing him and .sending him 
back to Holland. Things went from bad to worse. Many of 
the settlers went up to Fort Orange for safety, where the 
proximity of the Mohawks would prevent any attacks by the 

123 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Algonqnins. Others returned to Holland. At the close of 
the war there were only about one hundred men on Man- 
hattan Island capable of bearing arms. The whole of New^ 
Jersey was abandoned to the Indians. There were but few ' 
places anywhere, outside of Fort Orange and Fort Amster- 
dam, in the possession of the Dutch, and the latter place was 
hard pressed. Soon after the war began the Dutch had only 
two hundred and fifty men while the Indians had fifteen 
hundred. At this time one of the ablest men in the colony, 
and the only one in whom the Indians had any confidence, 
De Vries, who had had his property destroyed with the 
others, and who was financially ruined, decided to return to 
Holland. In a final interview with Kieft he said: "The 
murders in which you have shed so much innocent blood will 
yet be avenged upon your own head." 

The colony was saved from utter destruction chiefly 
through the efforts of John Underbill, who had come to New 
Amsterdam from IMassachusetts. He led several expeditions 
against the Indians and the last one compelled a peace. With 
one hundred and fifty men, he marched against the Connecti- 
cut Indians. At Strickland's Plain, not far from Stamford, 
a decisive battle was fought. The fight took place about mid- 
night but a full moon shining upon the snow made it nearly 
as light as day. The Dutch surrounded the Indian village 
and began their attack. Whenever an Indian appeared he 
was shot down. After a time the village was set on fire. 
Over five hundred Indians were shot or burned to death. 
Only eight escaped. None of the Dutch were killed and only 
fifteen wounded. It was a stunning blow for the Indians, 
and it ended the war and saved the colony. 

Kieft proclaimed a public thanksgiving for the result of 
Underbill's expedition. In this connection it might be 
observed that Thanksgiving is a Dutch, and not a New Eng- 
land, institution. The Pilgrims adopted a custom that they 
found in Holland during their residence there. 

Soon after the close of the Indian war a wall was built 
across the island where Wall Street is now, partly for the 

124 



NEW YORK UNDER THE DUTCH 

protection against attacks from the Indians and partly to 
protect the cattle. 

On the 29th of August, 1641, Kieft called together all the 
masters and heads of families to consider what should be done 
in regard to the murder of Claes Smits by the Indians. This 
was the first popular assembly called in New Netherland. 
This assembly chose "Twelve Select Men" to consider the 
proposition submitted by the director. This body was opposed 
to the war with the Indians which Kieft was so anxious to 
enter upon. Later they gave a reluctant and conditioned 
consent to an attack upon the savages. The Twelve Men 
demanded the establishment of a council of at least five men, 
two of these to be chosen each year from the Twelve Men and 
to be chosen by the people. Kieft made a somewhat equivocal 
reply, saying: "I am not aware that the Twelve Men have 
received from the Commonalty larger powers than simply to 
give their advice respecting the murder of the late Claes 
Smits." He forbade the calling of any assemblies of the 
people without the express order of the director. The people 
wanted the same power that the people of Holland had and 
this the director would not grant. The Dutch in New Nether- 
land were getting very early the same kind of experience that 
the people in New England had later. Their love of liberty 
and ideas of independence were aroused at an early day. In 
16'42 Kieft dissolved the organization of Twelve Men. He 
had received their reluctant consent to an attack upon the 
Indians and that was all that he wished of them. 

In September, 1643, Kieft again summoned the people to 
counsel with him. They selected "Eight Men" to consider 
his propositions. These men had no real power but, as the 
representatives of the people, they exercised considerable 
influence. The idea of having a board of eight men elected 
by the people to represent them was borrowed from Holland. 
Two of the men chosen at this time, Jochem Pietersen Kuyter 
and Cornelis Melyn, became very prominent in the history of 
the colony. 

This board made certain recommendations most of which 

125 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Kieft considered "inexpedient." Later the Eight Men met 
and elected Cornelis IMelyn their president. A strong letter, 
which they all signed, was written to the States-General recit- 
ing their condition and praying for relief. On the 18th of 
June Kieft summoned the Eight IMen again and recommended 
the levying of an excise on beer, wine, brandy and beaver 
skins. The Eight Men opposed this but without effect. Three 
days later, without their knowledge, Kieft issued a proclama- 
tion saying that: ''All other means having failed to provide 
for the expense of the war, it had been determined by the 
advice of the Eight INIen chosen by the Commonalty to impose 
some duties." 

On the 28th of October, 1644, the Eight ]\Ien addressed a 
letter to the West India Company reciting the condition of 
affairs that existed, asking for the recall of Kieft and the 
introduction into New Netherland of the municipal system of 
the Fatherland. Kieft 's treatment of the Indians was the 
prime cause of his removal, but his total disregard of the 
wishes of the colonists and his dishonesty were contributory 
causes. AVhen he was recalled, a proposition to pass a formal 
vote of thanks to him, which had always been done when 
there was a change of governors, was opposed by Kuyter and 
Melyn, who declared that there was not any reason for thanks. 

Peter Stuyvesant, 1647-1664. — Peter Stuyvesant came to 
rule over a discouraged, distracted and heterogeneous people. 
As early as 1643 there were eighteen nationalities in New 
Netherland. There were almost interminable disputes over 
boundaries. The colony was badly in debt and its revenues 
were small. The Indians were still hostile. The outlook was 
not a cheerful one. 

Stuyvesant had a very flattering reception at New Amster- 
dam. Guns were fired, and the whole population cheered and 
waved hats and handkerchiefs. He greeted the people as 
follows: "I shall govern you as a father his children, for the 
advantage of the chartered West India Company, and these 
burghers, and this land." Stuyvesant had been a soldier all 
his life and his faults were those of his calling accentuated by 

126 



NEW YORK UNDER THE DUTCH 

a naturally autocratic temperament. He was accustomed to 
command and be obeyed without question. "With these char- 
acteristics he got on better with his foes than with his friends. 
He was a better soldier than governor. He was the son of a 
clergyman, but early manifested a taste for military life. He 
was well educated, quite proficient in Latin, and somewhat 
vain of his accomplishments. He had served the West India 
Company for many years, and in its service lost a leg, which 
had been replaced with a wooden one that had a silver band, 
on account of which he was sometimes called "Old Silver 
Leg." He was a man of strong prejudices and passions, and 
the severest morality. 

He married Judith Bayard, the daughter of a celebrated 
Paris clergyman. His sister had married a brother of Judith 
Bayard and was a widow with three small children. He 
brought both his family and his sister and her children with 
him when he came to New Amsterdam. Both ]\Irs. Bayard 
and Mrs. Stuyvesant were highly cultured women. The Stuy- 
vesants and the Bayards have always been noted families in 
this country. 

The wily Kieft exerted himself to the utmost to be agree- 
able to Stuyvesant. He escorted him to the Executive Man- 
sion, which had already been vacated, and there they partook 
of the elaborate dinner that had been provided. 

Melyn and Kuyter, the leading members of the Council of 
Eight, petitioned Stuyvesant for an inquiry into the conduct 
of Kieft during the Indian war, and that testimony be taken 
for use in a report to be sent home to Holland. The director 
appointed a commission to decide upon the propriety of 
granting such an inquiry. When the commission met, Stuy- 
vesant said that "the two malignant fellows were disturbers 
of the peace, and that it was treason to complain of one's 
magistrates, whether there was cause or not." Kieft saw his 
opportunity and caused the arrest of Melyn and Kuyter on 
a charge of "rebellion and sedition." 

Their trial lasted several days and caused the greatest 
excitement. Stuyvesant presided at the trial, though he had 

127 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

prejudged the case. The men were pronounced guilty and 
Stuyvesant wished them hanged, but others would not consent 
to such extreme measures. Melyn was sentenced to be ban- 
ished for seven years and to pay a fine of three hundred i 
guilders, but Kuyter was to be banished for only three years 
and pay a fine of one hundred and fifty guilders. These men 
were obliged to sign a written promise that they would never 
complain or speak in any way of what they had suffered from 
Kieft and Stuyvesant. They were denied the right of appeal 
to the home government, Stuyvesant saying, "If I were per- 
suaded that you would bring this matter before their High 
Mightinesses I would have you hanged on the highest tree in 
New Netherland." While the Dutch West India Company 
gave Stuyvesant less power than it had given his predeces- 
sors, he attempted to exercise more. On one occasion he said : 
*'If anyone during my administration shall appeal, I will 
make him a foot shorter and send the pieces to Holland that 
he may appeal in that way." These things show what an 
absolute despot he was, but still he meant to do what he 
thought was for the best interests of the colony and, with the 
exception of a few acts, he made a very good governor. 

Melyn and Kuyter were sent to Holland on the vessel 
Princess that sailed soon after their trial. Kieft and Bogar- 
dus were on the same ship, the latter going to Holland to 
settle some of his difficulties, and the former going home to 
stay. The vessel was lost on the coast of Wales. During the 
storm, when it became apparent that the vessel could not be 
saved, Kieft confessed that he had wronged Melyn and Kuy- 
ter and asked their forgiveness. Eighty-one persons were 
drowned, Kieft and Bogardus among the number, but Melyn 
and Kuyter reached the shore. After the storm was over 
they dragged the place where the vessel went to pieces and 
recovered some of their papers. With these they went on to 
Holland and completely justified their actions. Melyn re- 
turned to New Amsterdam with a safe-conduct from the 
States-General, also a writ of mandamus citing Stuyvesant 
to appear at The Hague in person, or by attorney, to defend 

128 



NEW YORK UNDER THE DUTCH 

himself as to the charges preferred against him. It hap- 
pened that the people were assembled at church when Melyn 
landed, so he had the intense satisfaction of reading the judg- 
ment and the mandamus to the whole assemblage. Stuyvesant 
was stung and humiliated. He refused to have any com- 
munication with Melyn and declared that he would obey the 
mandamus by sending an attorney to speak for him. Aside 
from considerable correspondence and the sending of an 
attorney by Stuyvesant to speak for him before the States- 
General, no further action seems to have been taken in this 
matter, though the controversy between Stuyvesant and his 
enemies continued, and both parties sent envoys to Holland. 
One outcome of this excitement was to make New Netherland 
better known and to increase immigration. 

The iron governor fairly rivaled Kieft in the matter of 
proclamations, but they were more sensible and far more 
effective. Stuyvesant was a marked contrast to Minuit. The 
latter had allowed the fullest religious liberty to all in the 
colony and so attracted all denominations, but Stuyvesant was 
an autocrat, both by nature and through training. He was 
also a fanatical Calvinist. The long-enduring policy of 
religious toleration that had always been observed by the 
Dutch, till the time of Stuyvesant, drew to the city Wal- 
denses. Huguenots, Lutherans, Scotch Presbyterians, English 
Independents, Moravians, Anabaptists, Jews and other re- 
ligious sects. The rule of the West India Company, which 
forbade the setting-up of any other church than the Dutch 
Reformed, had been ignored. This rule the fanatical and 
obstinate Stuyvesant began to enforce rigorously. He ar- 
rested and sent to Holland a Lutheran minister who had been 
sent over by his religious denomination to form a congrega- 
tion in New Amsterdam. He fined and imprisoned Lutheran 
parents who refused to have their children baptized in the 
Dutch Reformed Church and banished from the province an 
unlicensed Baptist exhorter. But his hand fell the heaviest 
on the Quakers. One of them, named Robert Hodgson, set- 
tled in Hempstead and began preaching to the people of that 

129 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

town. He was arrested and tak(ui to New Amsterdam. With- 
out being allowed to speak in his own defense, he was sen- 
tenced to two years' hard labor with a wheelbarrow, or to 
pay a fine of five hundred gjuilders and, as he had neither 
money nor friends, he could not pay his fine if he would. On 
a sultry summer day he was brought from his cell, chained 
to a wheelbarrow and ordered to load it. This he refused 
to do, saying that he had broken no law nor done any evil. 
He was stripped to the waist and beaten with a piece of rope 
till he fell to the ground. This was repeated on the second 
day and again on the third. After this he was kept for two 
nights and a day without bread or water and then hung up 
by the thumbs and cruelly beaten with rods. The general 
sympathy for the man was so pronounced, and its expression 
so general, that Stuyvesant was shamed into setting him free. 
This is a very dark picture, but there are bits of light to 
relieve it. Henry Townsend, a leading citizen of Flushing, 
was fined eight pounds and condemned to be flogged and 
banished if he did not pay the fine. His offense was holding 
Quaker meetings in his own house. To their everlasting glory 
be it said, the town officers of Flushing refused to enforce this 
sentence, saying : "The law of love, peace and liberty, extend- 
ing in the state to Jews, Turks and Egyptians, forms the true 
glory of Holland ; so love, peace, and liberty, extending to all 
in Christ Jesus, condemn hatred, strife and bondage. But 
inasmuch as the Saviour hath said that it is impossible that 
scandal shall not come, but woe unto him by whom it cometh, 
we desire not to offend one of his little ones, under whatever 
form, name or title he appear, whether Presbyterian, Inde- 
pendent, Baptist or Quaker. Should any of these people come 
in love among us, therefore, we cannot in conscience lay vio- 
lent hands upon them. "We shall give them free ingress and 
egress to our houses, as God shall persuade our consciences." 
There were more than thirty signers to that statement, and 
they brought down upon their devoted heads the wrath of 
Stuyvesant and he visited them with a heavy hand. The 
sheriff was cashiered and fiiu'd. The town clerk was thrown 

130 



NEW YORK UNDER THE DUTCH 

into jail. The justices of the peace were suspended from 
office and heavy penalties were imposed upon some of the 
other signers. 

When the news of Stuyvesant's persecutions reached Hol- 
land, the Amsterdam Chamber reproved him severely and 
wrote as follows: "The consciences of men ought to be free 
and unshackled, so long as they continue moderate, inoffen- 
sive and not hostile to government. Such have been the 
maxims of prudence and toleration by which the magistrates 
of this city have been governed and the result has been that 
the oppressed and persecuted from every country have found 
among us an asylum from distress. Follow in the same steps 
and you will be blest." This was a very effective reproof. 
From that time on, Stuyvesant never attempted to interfere 
with liberty of conscience and there was as great religious 
liberty in New Netherland as in the time of Llinuit. 

When Minuit was recalled he felt that he had been 
unjustly dealt with, so he offered his services to Sweden for 
the purpose of establishing a settlement on the Delaware in 
territory claimed by the Dutch. The Swedes established 
themselves there and, from time to time, there was trouble 
over this contested tract of land. Stuyvesant was ordered to 
drive off the Swedish trespassers who had built two forts, one 
on each side of the river about a dozen miles below Philadel- 
phia. With seven ships and a force of seven hundred men, he 
suddenly appeared before the Swedish forts. Being com- 
pletely taken by surprise and greatly outnumbered, the 
Swedes were compelled to surrender. 

Stuyvesant was suddenly recalled from the Delaware to 
deal with the Indians who were threatening a general mas- 
sacre of the Dutch. During his absence, a man named Hen- 
drick Van Duyck shot and killed a squaw whom he caught 
stealing peaches in his orchard. It was a foolish, cruel and 
wicked act, wholly unwarranted, and it bore bitter fruit. The 
Indians were thoroughly aroused. They knew that Stuyves- 
ant was absent with all the soldiers of the settlement. They 
came into the town, two thousand strong. The magistrates 

131 



k 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

held a parley with them and they a^^reed to go to Governor's 
Island, which they did, but after nightfall they returned, 
rushed up Broadway to the house of Van Duyck, shot him 
through the heart with an arrow, and killed with an axe a 
neighbor of his who came to his rescue. The burghers rallied 
and drove the Indians to their canoes. The savages then 
paddled over to the New Jersey shore, burned Hoboken and 
Pavonia, then went to Staten Island and devastated that. 
"Within three days the Indians had killed one hundred set- 
tlers, taken one hundred and fifty prisoners and destroyed 
three hundred homes. This was the condition that confronted 
Stuyvesant on his return. He immediately made prepara- 
tions to organize the strongest possible force for an attack 
upon the savages. They, seeing the extent of the preparation, 
became alarmed and sought peace. Stuyvesant, appreciating 
the provocation that the Indians had had, arranged a peace 
with them. They agreed to release all their prisoners and 
made very humble promises for the future. 

Under the Dutch rule, settlements were made not only on 
Manhattan Island but on Long Island, over in New Jersey, 
in Westchester County, on the Delaware River, and along the 
Hudson. After Manhattan Island, one of the most important 
settlements was at Fort Orange within the Manor of Rens- 
selaer. This was the source of much contention in the time 
of Stuyvesant. The Manor of Rensselaer was nearly an inde- 
pendent government — a sort of principality — and the people 
resented any exercise of authority on the part of Stuyvesant, 
and he equally resented any independence on the part of the 
people of that manor. This was the cause of much ill feeling 
and at times seemed likely to cause war on a small scale. On 
one or more occasions troops were sent to Fort Orange. One 
of the most remarkable men of this manor was Arendt Van 
Corlear (or Curler). He was very friendly to the Mohawks 
and much loved by them. The settlement of Schenectady was 
begun by him. 

The English never recognized the claim of the Dutch to 
the territory they occupied in America. Governor Bradford 

132 




^ 



Tome of Stl'yvesaxt 



I 



I 



NEW YORK UNDER THE DUTCH 

of New England reminded them that they were trespassers 
and, in one way and another, the English put forth their 
claims at different times, but a favorable moment for enforc- 
ing them did not arise. There always seemed to be some good 
reason why England should not involve herself in a quarrel 
with Holland. But a time came when that objection no 
longer existed and King James gave his brother, the Duke of 
York, a grant covering Long Island and the adjacent islands, 
and the mainland from the west bank of the Connecticut 
River to the east shore of Delaware Bay. 

The Duke allowed no time to be wasted in the matter of 
taking possession of his property. Four vessels were secretly 
fitted out for the expedition and four hundred and fifty 
soldiers were taken on board. Colonel Richard Nicolls was 
in command. Great pains were taken to conceal the object of 
the expedition, that Holland might not suspect the purpose 
and take measures to defend New Amsterdam. Word of the 
intended movement did reach Stuyvesant, but soon a denial 
came from the officials of the West India Company, so no 
steps were taken to strengthen the defenses, and when authen- 
tic news did reach New Amsterdam, Stuyvesant was at Fort 
Orange. He hastened back to New Amsterdam and called 
upon Rensselaers-w^ck for help, but was told that they could 
not spare a man on account of the danger they were in 
from the Indians. The Dutch on Long Island could give 
no aid as they had their wives and their property to de- 
fend. 

In August, 1664, the English fleet entered the lower har- 
bor and seized the blockhouse on Staten Island. Stuyvesant 
had long before recognized the weakness of his position and 
had often, but in vain, begged the company to furnish men 
and means to put the city in a position to defend itself 
against an attack; now it was too late. The weak fort 
mounted only twenty guns, and there was but little ammuni- 
tion. There were only a few soldiers and the citizens could 
not be relied upon to add much to the force for defense. 
Many of the settlers were English and not a few of the Dutch 

133 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

were dissatisfied with the narrow policy of the company, and 
the autocratic and overbearing manner of the director. All 
told, Stuyvesant could not muster more than four hundred 
men for defense and there was not more than six hundred 
pounds of powder to be had. 

Nicolls summoned Stuyvesant to surrender. The latter 
refused and resorted to all possible expedients to secure delay. 
Nicolls sent a letter offering the most liberal terms. The 
letter was read to the Council and the burgomasters, and they 
wished it read to the people but Stuyvesant opposed this, fear- 
ing the effect of the easy terms offered. The burgomasters 
insisted and Stuyvesant, in a fit of rage, tore the letter in 
pieces. News of this reached the people and the demand for 
the letter grew so loud that even Stuyvesant dared not longer 
refuse, and a copy was made from the pieces of the torn docu- 
ment. ]\Ien, women and children went to Stuyvesant and 
begged him to submit. His answer was: "I would much 
rather be carried out dead." The next day a remonstrance 
was sent to the director, signed by eighty -five of the principal 
citizens, his own son among the number. The people refused 
to respond to a call for service and there were evidences of 
mutiny among the troops. It became apparent that if Stuy- 
vesant were to fight, he would have to fight alone, so, sadly 
and reluctantly, he agreed upon the terms of surrender. The 
British took possession of the city on the 8th of September, 
1664 — a very important date in our history, marking the first 
step toward a union of all the colonies. 

The change brought about by the surrender was at first a 
change in rulers only. Fort Amsterdam became Fort James, 
Fort Orange became Albany, New Netherland and New Am- 
sterdam, in honor of the Duke of York, became New York. 
There was no change in laws nor in municipal officers. No 
rights were interfered with. 

Stuyvesant was summoned to Holland to account for his 
surrender; After the completion of his business at Holland 
he returned to New York, the city he loved so well, and spent 
the remainder of his life there. 

134 



NEW YORK UNDER THE DUTCH 

In preparing the preceding chapter the following authorities were 
consulted and acknowledgments are hereby rendered for the assist- 
ance received : 

Booth, Mary L., Histoiy of the City of New York. 

Brodhead, John Romeyn, Histoiy of the State of New York. 

Golden, Cadwallader, Histoiy of the Five Nations. 

COLTON, Julia M., Annals of Old Manhattan. 

FiSKE, John, Dutch and Quaker Colonies in America. 

Goodwin, Royce and Putnam, Historic New York. 

Griffis, William Elliott, The Stoi-y of New Netherland. 

Innes, J. H., New Amsterdam and Its People. 

Lamb, Mrs. Martha J., History of the City of New York. 

O'Callaghan, E. B., History of New Netherland. 

Smith, William, History of the Province of New York. 

Stone, W. L., History of New York City. 

Thompson, B. F., History of Long Island. 

Valentine, D. T., Histoiy of the City of New York. 

, Manual of the Common Council of New York. 

Weise, a. J., Histoiy of Albany. 

, History of Troy. 

Wilson, James Grant, Memorial History of the City of New 
York. 

Wilson, Rufus Rockwell, New York Old and New. 

WiNSOR, Justin, Narrative and Critical History of America. 

Collections of the Historical Society of New York City. 

Documentary History of the State of New York. 



THE MANOE OF RENSSELAERSWYCK 

While the question of manorial grants was being consid- 
ered by the States-General, Kiliaen Van Rensselaer, one of the 
most influential of the directors of the Dutch West India 
• Company, sent agents to New Netherland to investigate and 
report as to the best location for manors. They reported in 
favor of three sites — one on the Delaware known as ' ' Swaaen- 
dale," another in New Jersey called "Pavonia," and the 
third on the Hudson. Van Rensselaer selected the last men- 
tioned one and gave it the name of Rensselaerswyck. This 
was the only one of all the manors that long endured ; the 
others are remembered only as names. Among the other more 
noted manors were those of Stuyvesant, DeLancey, Lawrence, 
Morris, Van Courtlandt, Phillipse, Livingston, Beekman, Kip 
and Schuyler. 

The Manor of Rensselaerswyck, when all the purchases 
had been completed, included all of the present counties of 
Albany and Rensselaer and a part of Columbia. The Van 
Rensselaer grant was the first one made and bore the date of 
November 19, 1629. The first purchase from the Indians was 
consummated on the 27th of July, 1630. 

As will be shown, life on the manor was exceedingly prim- 
itive. For a long time the estate was managed by agents and 
even when the first Van Rensselaer came over he lived no 
better than a very ordinary farmer of this day. It was more 
than a century before any considerable part of the manor 
was occupied and cultivated. It was an immense estate in 
area but had very few inhabitants. Only a very few farms 
were cultivated during the early days of the manor. The 
patroon was very autocratic, so far as powers given were 

136 



THE MANOR OF RENSSELAERSWYCK 

concerned, but not at all so in the powers which he exer- 
cised. 

The life, customs and manner of living on the manor of 
Rensselaer are of interest, as is the account of the petty quar- 
rels between the manorial authorities and Stuyvesant. The 
West India Company established a fort and trading post at 
Albany at an earlier date than the granting of the estate of 
Van Rensselaer. The fort was known as Fort Orange, and 
was on the bank of the Hudson. The first of the colonists 
for the manor of Rensselaerswyck reached Fort Orange on 
the first of June, 1630, in the ship Unity, commanded by Cap- 
tain Jan Brouer. Kiliaen Van Rensselaer never came to this 
country, the first member of the family to come over being 
Jan Baptiste Van Rensselaer, who came in 1651. 

Roelef Jansen, and his wife, Annetje, later the owner of 
the property in New York that became the famous Trinity 
Church property, were among the emigrants sent over by Van 
Rensselaer. He was a farmer and received a yearly salary of 
$72. The first farm cleared on the manor was cultivated by 
Wolfort Gerritson, who received $8 a month and board. Farm 
hands generally received from $40 to $48 a year. Farms 
rented at from $120 to $200 a year, payable in beaver skins 
and wampum, or one-tenth of the grain raised and one-half 
of the increase in cattle, fat fowls and butter, the cutting of 
a certain amount of wood, and furnishing a given number of 
days' labor. The tenant never became the actual owner of 
the land, and if he died intestate the property reverted to 
t-he patroon. 

Whatever grain and cattle the tenants had to spare must 
be offered for sale to the patroon, and if he did not care for 
it it might be sold elsewhere. All grain must be ground at 
the patroon 's mill. All the disputes were to be settled at the 
manor court without right of appeal. In 1638 Van Rensselaer 
sent over Arendt Van Curler (the name is spelled in several 
ways), then eighteen years of age, to assist Jacob Albertsen 
Planck in the management of the estate. Four years later 
Van Curler was made commissary-general of Rensselaerswyck. 

137 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Rensselaerswyck was more prosperous than the other 
manors, partly because of its situation, partly through its 
peaceful relations with the Indians, and partly through the 
better management of Van Rensselaer, though the latter had 
so many troubles in the early years of the settlement as to 
nearly cause him to abandon his enterprise. There were 
many difficulties with the "West India Company, which finally 
led to the issuing of a new charter of privileges and exemp- 
tions which provided that all patroons, free colonists and 
inhabitants of New Netherland should enjoy the privilege of 
selling articles brought from Holland upon the payment of a 
ten per cent, duty, and that they were also to pay the same 
duty on all furs shipped to Holland. The people were 
allowed to manufacture cotton and woolen goods, which had 
been forbidden up to this time. Appeals were allowed from 
the manorial courts to the director and council of New 
Netherland in cases in which the amount in dispute was 
as much as forty dollars. These changes took place in 
1640. 

In 1642, Dr. Johannes Megapolensis was sent to Rens- 
selaerswyck as preacher for the settlement. He had a six 
years' contract with the patroon at a salary of $400 a year 
and an annual donation of sixty bushels of wheat and two 
firkins of butter. Megapolensis and his wife, with their four 
children, all under fifteen years of age, reached Fort Orange 
on the 12th of August. He was to have been provided with 
a house, but one not being ready for him. Van Curler ar- 
ranged to find him a home until a house could be built for 
him. Not being able to finish a house by November, Van 
Curler bought one of Maryn Andriaensen Van Veere for 
about $140. There was no church ready and Megapolensis 
held services in his house for a time. Van Curler built a 
church for the dominie and wrote Van Rensselaer about it as 
follows: **It will be large enough for the first three or four 
years to preach in and can be used afterwards as a residence 
by the sexton or for a school." The building was thirty- four 
feet long and nineteen feet wide — a pretty small church but, 

138 



THE MANOR OF RENSSELAERSWYCK 

at that time, the entire population of the manor did not much 
exceed one hundred. 

In 1643, the patroon in Holland sent word to Nicholas 
Coorn to fortify Beeren Island and to demand of each skip- 
per passing up and down, except those of the West India 
Company, a toll of two dollars, and to see that every vessel 
coming up the river lowered its colors at the fort as a sign 
of respect to the patroon. On the 8th of September Coorn 
issued the following manifesto : 

I, Nicolaes Coorn, commander of Rensselaers-Steyn, on behalf of 
the honorable Kiliaen Van Rensselaer, hereditary commander of the 
colonies on this North River of New Netherland, under the high 
jurisdiction of the High and Mighty Lords, the States-General of the 
United Netherlands and of the Chartered West India Company, and 
as his vice-commander in his stead, give you notice that you shall not 
presume to abuse the said river to the injury of the right acquired by 
the aforesaid gentleman in his capacity as patroon of the colony of 
Rensselaerswyck, the first and oldest on this river. 

Which right he obtained as eai'ly as the 19th of November, 1629, 
pursuant to the Freedoms and Exemptions granted by the Assembly 
of the XIX of the Chartered West India Company, by Article 5 of 
which it is promised that care shall always be taken that the first 
occupants (in this case the patroon) shall not be prejudiced in the 
rights which they obtained. 

Which the aforesaid High and Mighty Lords the States-General 
was further confirmed and extended by letters patent of their High 
Mightinesses granted to him and his heirs, forever, on the third of 
February, 1641. 

And whereas he declares that he is greatly injured : 

First, in that you navigate this river without his knowledge and 
have come thus far against his will. 

Secondly, in that you try to draw away and to allure to yourself 
and if possible to divert to his injury, the nations who for many 
years have been accustomed to trade either at Fort Orange with the 
commis of the company or privately with his eommis; or to show to 
the said nations other and secret trading places, greatly to the injuiy 
of the West India Company and the patroon. 

Thirdly, in that you spoil the fur trade (by driving up the price 
and bidding even against the commis of the Company at Fort Orange 

139 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

as well as against the commis of the patroon) and that you who arc 
satisfied as long as you get some booty out of it do not ask whether 
the trade is being so spoiled that the patroon may thereby become 
unable to meet the expenses of his colony or not, which is a gi'eat 
injury to him, the patroon. 

Fourthly, in that you seek to debauch his own inhabitants and 
subjects and to incite them against their lord and master, furnishing 
them among other things with wine and spirits and selling to them at 
usurious and high prices, against his will; causing yourself to be 
paid in furs which they obtain by barter contrary to his orders and 
their own promise, or in wheat which they purloin from their lord, 
of which they have rendered no account, of which the tithes have 
not been lawfully paid and of which the patroon has not even re- 
ceived his third or half share according to the contracts and of which 
he has not waived the right of preemption, obliging the patroon who 
provides his people with commodities at little or no advance in price 
(considering his expenses) to charge these on account while you go 
off with the (yes, with his) cash, whereby he is rendered unable 
properly to provide his people with everything because you so ex- 
haust them and impoverish his colony, by which the patroon sutfers 
great injury. Therefore, not being obliged to suffer any of these 
things from private individuals, he hereby causes notice to be served 
on you that you must entii'ely refrain therefrom and in the name 
aforesaid I declare, should you in defiance of law, contrary to this 
protest, presume to attemi:)t to pass by force, that I have orders to 
prevent you from doing so. PeiTnission is granted you, however, as 
expressed in the warning and more fully to be seen and read in the 
instructions given by the patroon to Pieter Wijnkoop, as supercargo, 
and to Arendt Van Curler, as commis-general, under the restrictions 
of the regulations contained therein, to trade with his commissen, but 
in no wise with the Indians or with his private subjects themselves. 
And in case you should use force, I am to declare to you that you 
will commit: 

First, Crime against the High and Mighty Lords the States- 
General. 

Secondly, Crime against the West India Companj' and their gov- 
ernor. 

Thirdly, Crime against the patroon and his command within 
whose jurisdiction you are at pi'esent against his will, forcing us to 
necessary resistance. 

140 



THE MANOR OF RENSSELAERSWYCK 

Wherein I shall await what you will answer, do or not do, in 
order to govern myself accordingly, once more giving you full warn- 
ing that you can have no grant (unless from the High and Mighty 
Lords the States-General themselves) which can deprive him of this 
his right and that in case of loss you will have to indemnify the 
patroon of eveiy thing. 

Which foregoing instrument, drawn up by the aforesaid patroon 
and commander, he hereby ratifies by signing it with his own hand 
and sealing it with the seal of the patroon and the colony of Rens- 
selaerswyek, this eighth of September, 1643, in Amsterdam. 

Was signed: 

KiLiAEN Van Rensselaer. 

On the 1st of July, 1644, Govert Loockermans, skipper of 
the yacht Good Hope, sailing from Fort Orange to New Am- 
sterdam, failed to salute the fort on Beeran Island as directed 
by the mandate. Nicolas Coorn shouted: "Lower your 
colors ! ' ' Loockermans replied : ' ' For whom should I ? " Coorn 
said : ' ' For the staple-right of Rensselaerswyck. ' ' To this 
Loockermans replied : "I lower my colors for no one except 
the Prince of Orange and the Lords, my masters!" Coorn 
then fired upon the Good Hope; one shot ripped the mainsail 
and cut the rigging, another passed over the vessel, and the 
third passed through the colors of the Prince of Orange. 
When Loockermans arrived at New Amsterdam he lodged a 
complaint against Coorn and demanded reparation. The 
Council of New Netherland issued an order commanding 
Coorn to desist from such practices, but he did not heed it 
and continued to demand recognition of the rights of the 
Manor of Rensselaerswyck. 

In 1648 Stuyvesant ordered that no building should be 
erected within cannon shot of Fort Orange. The authorities 
at Rensselaerswyck denied the right of Stuyvesant to enforce 
any such order and claimed that the land belonged to Van 
Rensselaer, and called attention to the fact that his trading 
house was, and for a long time had been, on the very edge of 
the moat of the fort. In reply to the claim that the enforce- 
ment of the order was necessary to the efficiency of the fort, 

141 



NEW YORK'S TART IN HISTORY 

Van Slichtenliorst, Van Rensselaer's director, said: "I have 
been more than six months in the colony, and the nearest 
resident to the fort, and yet I have never been able to dis- 
cover a single person carrying a sword, a musket, or a pike, 
nor have I seen or heard a drumbeat, except when the Di- 
rector-General himself visited it, with his soldiers, in July." 
Stuyvesant then sent soldiers and sailors to Fort Orange with 
orders to demolish the house which Van Slichtenhorst was 
building near the fort. Carl Van Brugge, the commissary at 
Fort Orange, was ordered to arrest Van Slichtenhorst if he 
offered any resistance. The people of Rensselaerswyck be- 
came very much excited over this order and proposed to 
resist it and the Indians offered their assistance. Van Brugge 
wrote Stuyvesant that it would be useless to attempt to 
enforce the order as the residents of Rensselaerswyck, to- 
gether with the Indians, greatly outnumbered any force that 
he could gather. Stuyvesant then recalled his men and 
ordered Van Slichtenhorst to appear before him. This he 
declined to do. 

In 1650 a sum of money was raised by subscription and a 
schoolhouse built. Andreas Jansen was chosen the first school- 
master. The next year, Jan Baptiste Van Rensselaer, the 
third son of Kiliaen Van Rensselaer, came to America. 

The differences between Stuyvesant and the authorities at 
Rensselaerswyck not yet being settled, and it being uncertain 
which party would be successful. Van Rensselaer attempted 
to strengthen his position by asking the colonists to take an 
oath of allegiance. On the 28th of November, forty-five of 
them subscribed to the following oath: 



I promise and swear that I shall be true and faithful to the noble 
patroon and co-directors, or those who represent them here, and to 
the honorable director, commissioners and council, subjecting myself 
as a good and faithful inhabitant or burgher, without exciting oppo- 
sition, tumult or noise, but on the contrai-y, as a loyal inhabitant to 
maintain and support, offensively and defensively, against everyone, 
the right and the jurisdiction of the colony. And with reverence and 

142 



THE MANOR OF RENSSELAERSWYCK 

fear of the Lord, and the uplifting of both the first fingers of the 
right hand, I say, so truly help me God Almighty. 

On the 15th of July, 1652, Stuyvesant wrote Dyekman, 
who was in command of Fort Orange, not to allow anyone to 
build houses near the fort, or to remain in any house already 
built. He sent a proclamation to be read to the colonists of 
Rensselaerswyck and Dyekman, accompanied by an armed 
bodyguard, went to the Manor House, where the magistrates 
were in session, and asked the patroon to read the proclama- 
tion. Van Rensselaer was exceedingly angry that Dyekman 
should have presumed to come upon his land with armed men. 
He refused to read the proclamation and said: "It shall not 
be done so long as we have a drop of blood in our veins, nor 
until we receive orders from their High Mightinesses, and 
honored masters." Dyekman then ordered Van Rensselaer to 
have the patroon 's bell rung. This being refused, Dyekman 
had the bell rung to call the people together. He then re- 
turned to the house of Van Rensselaer and ordered his deputy 
to read the proclamation, but Van Slichtenhorst snatched it 
from his hands and, in tearing it, the seals fell off. Dyekman 
told Van Slichtenhorst that Stuyvesant would make him suf- 
fer for his action, but the latter replied: "Go home, good 
friends, it is only the wind of a cannon ball fired six hundred 
paces off." Stuyvesant next ordered Dyekman to erect a 
number of posts six hundred paces from the walls of Fort 
Orange and place on each of them a copy of his proclama- 
tion. This was done and then the Rensselaerswyck magis- 
trates ordered the high constable to remove the boundary 
posts. 

On the 1st of April, 1653, Stuyvesant came to Fort Orange 
to straighten matters out. He sent a sergeant to lower the 
patroon 's flag. As Van Slichtenhorst refused to lower the 
flag when called upon to do so, the soldiers entered the pa- 
troon 's yard, lowered the flag, and discharged their firearms. 
Stuyvesant proclaimed that the space within the territory 
staked out by the planting of posts should be known as Bevers- 

143 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

wyck. For this territory he instituted a court and named 
three justices. He had his proclamation posted at the Rens- 
selaerswyck court house. Van Slichtenhorst tore it down and, 
in its place, posted his own maintaining the rights of the 
Manor of Rensselaerswyck. Stuyvesant, in turn, caused 
Van Slichtenhorst to be arrested and confined within the 
fort. 

The Manor of Van Rensselaer completely surrounded the 
little settlement about the fort known as Beverswyck. In 
course of time the manor became practically an independent 
power. The West India Company, becoming jealous of it, 
urged Van Rensselaer to cede some of his rights. He not 
only refused to do this, but he exacted to the utmost all the 
feudal rights that had been granted him. The company then 
instructed Stuyvesant to curtail, as much as possible, the 
jurisdiction of Van Rensselaer, which was no doubt a very 
agreeable task for the autocratic governor. This brought into 
conflict two strong, masterful, self-willed men — Stuyvesant, 
the director of New Netherland, and Van Slichtenhorst, the 
manager of Rensselaerswyck. The governor sent a written 
order forbidding the erection, by the patroon, of a building 
of any kind within six hundred paces of the fort. To this 
Van Slichtenhorst paid no attention whatever. It was a 
queer condition of affairs — a government within a government 
and the lesser refusing obedience to the greater. Van Slicht- 
enhorst, in turn, forbade the cutting of any firewood in the 
forest for the use of the fort. Stuyvesant replied with an 
order annulling that of Van Slichtenhorst and also annulling 
all grants of land within six hundred paces of the fort. 
Neither party regarded the proclamations or orders of the 
other. The first soldier who went into the forest was arrested. 
Stuyvesant responded by causing the arrest of Van Slichten- 
horst and taking him to New Amsterdam, and confining him 
in the fort there. After an imprisonment of four months 
Van Slichtenhorst escaped and returned to Rensselaerswyck. 

It was a long-drawn-out controversy which, in course of 
time, was referred to the States-General who favored the 

144 



THE MANOR OF RENSSELAERSWYCK 

patroon, saying that the soil on which Fort Orange stood was 
included in the purchase made by Van Rensselaer. 

After the English came into the possession of New Nether- 
land, Nicolls, the English governor, ordered the renewal of 
all land patents. Van Rensselaer claimed Albany as a part 
of his manor. Nicolls did not admit the claim and referred 
the matter to the Duke of York. The matter had not been 
settled when the Dutch recaptured New Netherland, and an 
order from the States-General allowed Van Rensselaer's 
claim, but before this could be enforced the province passed 
again into the hands of the English. The Duke of York then 
issued an order directing Governor Andros to deliver the 
government of the village to the patroon who w^as authorized 
to levy a tax of three beavers on each dwelling house for 
thirty years and, after that, such an amount as could be 
agreed upon by the inhabitants. Andros never executed the 
order, and his successor, Governor Dongan, said it was "all 
wrong for the second best town of the government to be in 
the hands of any particular man." Later Dongan visited 
the patroon and purchased a concession of his rights to the 
territory on which the city of Albany now stands, as well as 
all the territory sixteen miles to the west. 

Life on the manor in the early days was exceedingly 
crude. The so-called manor house of the patroon was a very 
simple home, as the picture of the earliest manorial dwelling 
known shows. Later the manor grew in importance and the 
patroons gained in wealth. At one time there were several 
thousand inhabitants on the IManor of Rensselaerswyck. The 
patroon came to be a person of great influence. 

Stephen Van Rensselaer, the fifth in the direct line, leased 
nearly a thousand farms of 160 acres each on long terms and 
at merely nominal rents. If the rent were not paid, the ten- 
ant was not disturbed, but after the death of Stephen Van 
Rensselaer some of the heirs attempted to collect arrears of 
rent and much trouble grew out of it. There was also trouble 
on the Livingston IManor and elsewhere, all of which finally 
culminated in what is known as the "anti-rent" war. Mat- 

145 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

ters were finally adjusted through the adoption of a state 
constitution that abolished all feudal tenures. 

Stephen Van Rensselaer was a man of sufficient note to 
call for brief mention. He was a graduate of Harvard Col- 
lege and became successively member of Assembly, of the 
state Senate, and member of the House of Representatives 
and, as such, gave the casting vote in the New York delega- 
tion that made John Quincy Adams president of the United 
States. Van Rensselaer was once lieutenant-governor of the 
state, and for several years was the leader of the Federal 
party in New York. In 1819 he was chosen member of the 
Board of Regents and later became the chancellor of that 
body. He instituted the geological surveys of the state and 
bore the expense. He established a scientific school at Troy 
that has since grown into the Rensselaer Polytechnic Insti- 
tute. He was one of the commissioners appointed in 1810 to 
examine and report as to the feasibility of a canal from Lake 
Erie to the Hudson, and was one of the canal commissioners 
to the day of his death. He was in command of the state 
militia at the beginning of the War of 1812 and directed the 
unsuccessful attack upon Queenstown Heights. 

In preparing the preceding chapter the following authorities were 
consulted and aeknowledgTuents are hereby rendered for assistance 
received : 

Brodhead, John Romeyn, History of the State of New York. 

Griffis, William Elliot, The Story of New Netherland. 

Miller, Peyton F., A Group of Gi'eat Lawyers. 

O'Callaghan, E. B., History of New Netherland. 

Reynolds, Cuyler, Albany Chronicles. 

Van Laer, A. J. F. (Translation), Van Rensselaer-Bowier Manu- 
scripts. 

Weise, a. J., History of Albany. 

Documentary History of the State of New York. 

Magazine of American Histoi-y. 



I 



VI 
NEW TOEK AS AN ENGLISH COLONY 

For more than a hundred years New York was an English 
colony, having a governor appointed by the British Crown. 
Those governors, more than a score in number, were largely 
men who were unscrupulous adherents of the English Court, 
who sought and received appointment in the hope of bettering 
their financial condition at the expense of the people of the 
colony they were appointed to govern. There were, however, 
some notable exceptions, and among the English colon- 
ial governors of New York were some men of the finest type. 
Governor Dongan being a striking illustration of them. One 
writer, in speaking of the appointments, said that the colonies 
were "an hospital where the favorites of the ministry might 
lie till they had recovered their broken fortunes; and often- 
times they served as asylums from their creditors." No 
attempt can here be made to give a history of the adminis- 
tration of each of the English governors of the colony of 
New York, or anything approaching a complete history of 
any one of them — merely a brief mention of some of the most 
notable men and the more important events of the time. 

Richard Nicolls. — Richard Nicolls, the first English gov- 
ernor, was a happy choice. It was a time when a conquered 
people were to be conciliated. Nicolls was a genial and affable 
man, and spoke both French and Dutch as well as his own 
tongue, which was a great advantage. He was sincerely desir- 
ous that the people of the province should prosper and that 
they should be allowed every possible liberty. His adminis- 
tration was one that gave general satisfaction. 

Francis Lovelace. — Nicolls was succeeded by Francis Love- 
lace in 1668. He established a monthly post between New 

147 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

York and Boston, the first mail being sent to Boston on the 
1st of January, 1673. This was the germ of our present 
postal system and an event of importance. It was during the 
administration of Lovelace that the Dutch recaptured New 
Netherland and held the colony a little over a year when, as 
the result of a treaty, it was restored to England. 

Edmund Andros. — After the restoration, Edmund Andros 
was sent over as governor. He was a man of unblemished 
character, possessed talent, was energetic and zealous and, 
like Nicolls, had the advantage of being able to speak both 
Dutch and French. Perhaps the most important event of his 
administration, so far as the fortunes of the colony were con- 
cerned, was that of giving the inhabitants of the city of New 
York the sole right to bolt and export flour, that business 
being forbidden in all other parts of the colony. This monop- 
oly lasted from 1678 to 1694 and, during those sixteen years, 
the population and the wealth of the city nearly trebled. 

Thomas Dongan. — In 1682 Andros was followed in the 
governorship by Thomas Dongan, possibly the best and ablest 
of all the royal governors. He was a younger son of an Irish 
baronet, a man of integrity, enterprising and active. He was 
a Catholic, but was tolerant of other religions. "When he 
reached New York on the 25th of August, 1683, he found a 
city of less than four thousand inhabitants. A number of 
languages were spoken, but the Dutch largely predominated. 
In 1689 there were two hundred families of French Hugue- 
nots in the city, but in the preceding six years only twenty 
families had come from Great Britain. 

Dongan was directed to form a council of not more than 
ten members, who were each to have a vote and might take 
part in the debates on all public affairs. He was told that 
Frederic Philipse and Stephen Van Courtlandt must be among 
the ten selected. The colonists had long demanded a legis- 
lative assembly which each successive governor, acting in 
accordance with his instructions from the Duke of York, had 
denied. Such an assembly had long been a conceded right 
among English people and, after it had been denied the colon- 

148 



NEW YORK AS AN ENGLISH COLONY 

ists again and again, Huntington, Jamaica and some other 
Long Island towns, where the population was largely English, 
refused to pay taxes any longer without representation. They 
sent a petition to the Duke declaring that government with- 
out representation was an intolerable burden and called 
attention to the freer and more flourishing colonies on either 
side of them. They petitioned for a government by a gov- 
ernor, a council and an assembly, the latter to be elected by 
the freeholders of the colony. When this petition reached 
the Duke, he was feeling discouraged because of a failure to 
collect taxes and said to William Penn, his close friend, who 
was with him at the time, that he was seriously considering 
the sale of the colony. ' ' Sell New York ! ' ' said Penn. ' ' Don 't 
think of such a thing. Just give it self-government and 
there will be no more trouble. ' ' The Duke, being in the right 
mood, took Penn's advice and Dongan was instructed accord- 
ingly. 

Dongan promptly summoned a provincial assembly, which 
met at Fort James in October, 1683. The assembly consisted 
of the governor, ten councillors of his choosing, and eighteen 
representatives elected by the freeholders of the colony. A 
large majority of the assembly was Dutch and this fact doubt- 
less largely influenced the action taken as taxation, by consent 
only, had been the rule in Holland for nearly two centuries. 
The first important act of the assembly was to frame a Char- 
ter of Liberties. In that charter was first used, in any Amer- 
ican document, the term "the people." Among the provisions 
of this Charter of Liberties was one putting the supreme 
legislative power "forever in the governor, council, and peo- 
ple, met in general assembly;" and other clauses stipulated 
"that every freeholder and freeman might vote for repre- 
sentatives without restraint; that no freeman should suffer 
but by the judgment of his peers ; that all trials should be by 
a jury of twelve men ; that no tax should be assessed on any 
pretense whatever but by the consent of the assembly; that 
no seaman or soldier should be quartered on the inhabitants 
against their will ; that no martial law should exist ; and that 

149 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

no person professing faith in God, by Jesus Christ, should at 
any time be in any way disquieted or questioned for any dif- 
ference of opinion in matters of religion." 

This was the longest step toward self-government that had 
at that time been taken by any of the colonies. The Charter 
of Liberties was sent to the Duke for his approval. He signed 
it, but the death of Charles made the Duke the King of Eng- 
land, and New York a royal province. The King did not see 
matters as he had done when a duke, so his approval of the 
Charter of Liberties was never forwarded to the colony 
though New York was governed under its provisions for sev- 
eral years. 

One of the difficult tasks that confronted Dongan was the 
maintaining of friendly relations with the Iroquois, and deal- 
ing with the French in Canada. He had a long but amicable 
correspondence with De la Barre, the governor of Canada, 
over Indian affairs and boundaries. AVhen De la Barre was 
succeeded by Denonville, the correspondence was much more 
extensive, not wholly friendly, and sometimes extremely bit- 
ter. 

The assembly that met at Fort James divided the province 
into twelve counties : Suffolk, Kings, Queens, Richmond, New 
York, Orange, Ulster, Albany, Dutchess, Westchester, Duke's 
and Cornwall. The last named consisted of Pemaquid and the 
adjacent islands, now a part of Maine. Duke's was made up 
of the islands of Nantucket, Martha's Vineyard, Elizabeth 
Island and No Man's Land. 

The assembly established four courts — town courts for the 
trial of small cases to be held each month ; county courts or 
county sessions to be held quarterly or half yearly; general 
court of Oyer and Terminer with original and appellate juris- 
diction, to sit twice every year in each county, and a court of 
chancery to be the supreme court of the province, composed 
of the governor and his council, but the governor was given 
power to depute a chancellor in his stead. The assembly also 
provided for the naturalization of foreigners. 

In September, 1683, the Cayugas conveyed the Susque- 

150 



NEW YORK AS AN ENGLISH COLONY 

hanna River and tlie "land situate thereupon" to "the Gov- 
ernor-General, or those who now represent him." Not long 
after this the Mohawks agreed to the transaction. A month 
later Dougan met with the IMohawks and directed them not to 
deal any more with the French, nor to allow any Frenchmen, 
except the Jesuits, to live with them. To this they agreed and 
Dongan declared to them that all the territory "on this side 
of the Lake of Canada belongs to the government of New 
York, and the governor desires that they all may be ac- 
quainted with it." 

In 1686 a Treaty of Neutrality between the French and 
the English was signed at Whitehall, that was greatly to the 
detriment of New York, so far as Indian affairs were con- 
cerned. It most effectually tied the hands of Dongan. It 
was agreed that there should be peace in America between 
the French and the English, even if they should be at war 
with each other in Europe. It also provided that in case 
either party in America should be at war with the "wild 
Indians" the other should not assist them. This left Denon- 
ville free to attack the Senecas as he had planned to do, but 
prevented Dongan from coming to their relief as he had 
agreed. 

The French King approved the proposed expedition 
against the Iroquois and directed that all captives taken be 
sent to France to "serve in the galleys." Eight hundred 
French regulars were sent to aid Denonville. Some Iroquois 
chiefs, who had been invited to come to Canada for a con- 
ference, were made prisoners and, with others to the number 
of fifty, sent to serve in the galleys as the French King had 
directed. This act of treachery was not exceeded by any deed 
the savages were ever guilty of. It practically destroyed the 
influence of the French Jesuits with the Iroquois. Denon- 
ville 's expedition against the Senecas resulted in the destruc- 
tion of their crops and villages, but did not break their power 
and did make them more bitter enemies. Dongan protested 
against this invasion of British territory. A year later King 
James directed Dongan to protect the Five Nations as British 

151 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

subjects, to build necessary forts, and call on the neighboring 
English colonies for assistance. 

King James became satisfied that the reason the French 
had been more successful than the English in dealing with 
the Indians was due to the fact that the former were united ; 
therefore, for this and other reasons, he united New York, 
New Jersey and New England into one province, and made 
Sir Edmund Andros governor. Though Dongan was recalled, 
his Indian policy was adhered to. This plan of uniting sev- 
eral colonies under one governor was short-lived. Within a 
year King James was a fugitive. William and Mary ruled in 
Great Britain and Andros was confined in a Boston jail. 

The Leisler Regime. — There seems to be a more or less 
general belief that Jacob Leisler was a man of little ability 
and less education. "An illiterate German" he is sometimes 
called. Before entering upon a study of his career let us 
learn something of the man. By birth he was a German, by 
inheritance a Frenchman, and a Dutchman by adoption. His 
father was a French clergyman who was exiled and sought a 
home in Frankfort where his son Avas born. Jacob Leisler 
was not an uiieducated man. He wrote and spoke German, 
French and Dutch fluently, but English very poorly, which, 
last fact, no doubt, gave rise to the idea that he was unedu- 
cated. He had been a soldier in the service of the Dutch 
West India Company but he settled in New Amsterdam, mar- 
ried a wealthy wife, entered into business and prospered. He 
was a deacon in the Dutch Reformed Church and was an 
intense Protestant, having learned in childhood what perse- 
cution meant. This cannot be the description of an "illiter- 
ate" man, or of one of mediocre ability. 

King James abdicated the English throne on the 22d of 
December, 1668, and was succeeded by William and Mary. 
When this news reached America, Governor Andros was in 
prison at Boston. Something like chaos followed. Some of 
the people held that Lieutenant-Governor Nicholson and the 
Council were possessed of governmental powers. Others, and 
probably a majority of those living in the province of New 

152 



NEW YORK AS AN ENGLISH COLONY 

York, held that the abdication of the King did away with the 
whole existing machinery of government. The controversy 
grew to be very acrimonious. 

The story of Leisler is full of interest and the result of 
his efforts is most pathetic. The abdication of King James, 
and the accession of William and Mary, led France to declare 
war against England and Holland. That affected the colonies 
and stirred the people greatly. It was largely a religious 
war. Catholics against Protestants. France, a great Catholic 
power, had as Governor of Canada, Count Frontenac, the 
greatest governor France had ever sent to this country. All 
the colonies were aroused and full of fear. Nowhere was there 
greater interest than in New York. The Dutch and the 
French Huguenots, Protestants who had suffered greatly at 
the hands of Catholic France and Spain, were aroused, ex- 
cited, and fearful. Nicholson was not the man to cope with 
the situation. Sluggish, irresolute, reluctant to assume re- 
sponsibility and unable to get word from Andros, who was in 
prison at Boston, it was certain that he would soon abandon 
his task. Then he labored under special difficulties as King 
James had favored the Catholics and the people were very 
suspicious of all the appointees of the exiled king on that 
account. Nicholson, at one time, had commanded a regiment 
of troops made up of Catholics and many believed he was a 
"Papist" in disguise, seeking to restore King James to power. 

Nicholson undertook to keep all the money collected at 
revenue and gave orders that after May-day all receipts from 
customs should be used for the erection of new fortifications. 
Many thought this a scheme for using the public moneys 
against the people and to aid the exiled king. All kinds of 
wild stories were afloat and many of them were believed. 
Leisler was one of the leading merchants of the city and the 
senior captain of the train-bands that made up the militia. 
He had been a resident of the city for thirty years and was 
very active in the religious and the social life of the town. 
His rugged honesty and frank and generous attitude toward 
everyone made him greatly loved by the common people. 

153 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

There was great rejoicing when he refused to pay duty on a 
cargo of wine received from Europe on the ground that 
Matthew Plowman, tlie collector of the port, was a Roman 
Catholic and that since the flight of King James no duly 
authorized government had existed in New York. Leisler's 
hatred of the Catholics was not unnatural, considering his 
father's very severe treatment. 

Leisler was the natural leader of the people at this time. 
His political and religious leanings, his resolute and ener- 
getic character, all tended to that end. There was a rumor 
that a French fleet was about to attack the town and that 
Nicholson had been in consultation with agents of Louis XIV, 
who were hiding on Staten Island. The crisis came on the 
30th of IMay when Nicholson quarreled with one of the officers 
of the train-bands, who had been directed to take turns in 
guarding Fort James. "Who commands this fort, you or I ? " 
he asked angrily, and added, "I would rather see the city on 
fire than take the impudence of such fellows as you." This 
led to a rumor that Nicholson had threatened to burn the 
town. The next morning a crowd of citizens, accompanied 
by the five train-bands, appeared at the house of Leisler and 
induced him to lead a movement for the capture of the fort, 
which was taken Avitliout any resistance being offered. Leis- 
ler issued a manifesto declaring that he held the fort in the 
interest of "William and INIary, and that he would continue to 
do so until the arrival of a person from Great Britain autlior- 
ized by the home government to administer the affairs of the 
province. 

The people were now divided into two factions — the party 
supporting Leisler, made up chiefly of farmers, small shop- 
keepers, sailors, shipwrights and the artisans of the town; 
and the aristocratic party, made up chiefly of those who had 
held office under King James, and their followers. The lead- 
ers of the Leisler party met and appointed a Conunittee of 
Safety of ten members, made up of English, Dutch and 
Huguenot citizens. This committee appointed Leisler cap- 
tain of the fort and invested him with the power of a com- 

154 



NEW YORK AS AN ENGLISH COLONY 

inander-in-chief, until orders should arrive from the new sov- 
ereigns. It was agreed that the militia should guard the 
custom house, and that the five train-bands should, in turn, 
hold the fort for William and Mary. 

In the meantime Nicholson and his friends were not idle. 
Three members of the governor's council: Stephanus Van 
Courtlandt, the mayor of the city; Nicholas Bayard, colonel 
of the train-bands, and Frederick Philipse, the richest man 
in the province, were then in the city. Had they shown any 
disposition to cooperate with the Committee of Safety, it is 
probable that all conflict would have been avoided but, instead 
of taking that position, they resolved to resist the committee 
to the utmost of their power. Their first movement was an 
effort to remove the public money from the fort to the house 
of Philipse, but Leisler refused to surrender it on their order. 
The Committee of Safety placed a guard at the custom house 
and appointed a collector, who sent armed men on board all 
the vessels in the port. The train-bands gathered on Bowling 
Green and refused to disperse at the command of Bayard, 
their colonel. One of the captains, at the head of his com- 
pany, waited on Nicholson and the councillors in the City Hall 
and demanded the keys of the fort. Resistance being useless, 
the keys were surrendered. Soon after this Nicholson sailed 
for England, leaving Bayard, Van Courtlandt and Philipse, 
the only representatives of the Andros government, in the 
colony. 

The government was now wholly in the hands of Leisler 
and his followers. Before the end of June he had received a 
message from the magistrates of IMassachusetts applauding 
his conduct. About the same time the General Court of Con- 
necticut sent deputies to congratulate him on his success and 
promised him aid in case he should need it. The conduct of 
Leisler was generally upheld throughout the colony and in the 
sister colonies of Massachusetts and Connecticut. When the 
news came of the proclamation of the new sovereigns in Eng- 
land, Leisler proclaimed them also and gave orders that Fort 
James should be rechristened Fort William, and sent a letter 

155 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

to the King explaining his acts and begging that they be 
sanctioned and that orders be sent for the government of the 
province. It is clear, beyond the possibility of a doubt, that 
up to this time there was not in the mind of Leisler a thought 
of anything but the most perfect loyalty to his King. All 
available evidence goes to show that Leisler was loyal, and 
meant to serve his King faithfully. 

It was not an easy matter to determine what should have 
been done under the existing conditions. It was clear that no 
course could be taken that would give universal satisfaction. 
Leisler invited the people of the several towns and counties 
to choose delegates to a convention to be held at Fort James 
on the 25th of June, 1689, for the purpose of taking into 
consideration the existing condition of affairs and determin- 
ing what was best to be done. Ulster, Albany and Suffolk 
counties, and most of the towns of Queens, refused to send 
delegates. The other towns and counties of the province 
responded. Twelve delegates met at Fort James but, after 
the first session, two of them withdrew. The others formed 
themselves into a Committee of Safety and signed a commis- 
sion appointing Leisler "Captain of the fort at New York 
until orders shall be received from their majesties." Under 
this authority Leisler at once assumed the powers of govern- 
ment. 

Early in December two dispatches came from England — 
one from the Privy Council and the other from the King. 
They were addressed to "Our Lieutenant-Governor and Com- 
mander-in-Chief of our Province of New York, and in his 
absence, to such as for the time being take care for preserving 
the peace, and administering the laws!" Nicholson having 
left the colony, the messenger was in some doubt as to whom 
he should deliver his message. Bayard and the other coun- 
cillors sought to get possession of it. Leisler claimed it on 
the ground that the people had refused to recognize Bayard 
and his associates. There was a heated dispute and much 
discussion, but the messenger finally delivered the letters to 
Leisler, thus showing that a disinterested person believed him 

156 



NEW YORK AS AN ENGLISH COLONY 

to be possessed of rightful authority. The letter from the 
Privy Council said : ' ' We do hereby authorize and empower 
you to take upon you the government of the said province, 
calling to your assistance in the administration thereof the 
principal freeholders and inhabitants of the same, or so many 
of them as you shall think fit." Nicholson having fled, and 
this letter being delivered to him by the King's messenger, 
Leisler thought — and why should he not have done so — that 
he had ample authority to act. 

He appointed a council of eight men, representing the 
English, French and Dutch elements of the province. They 
were Peter De la Noy, a prominent Huguenot ; Dr. Samuel 
Staats, a Dutchman, afterward a councillor under the Earl 
of Bellomont and later under Governor Hunter; Henry Jan- 
sen, a relative of Anneke Jans ; Johannes Vermilye, an orig- 
inal patentee from Harlem and an elder in the church ; Dr. 
Gerardus Beekman, an elder in the church and acting gov- 
ernor after the death of Lovelace ; and William Lawrence, 
afterward councillor under the Earl of Bellomont. Surely 
these should be regarded as men of character and standing* 
in the little community, yet these men and Leisler have been 
denounced as belonging to the "rabble." 

Writs of election for members of assembly were issued. 
Troubles now began to thicken about Leisler. His principal 
opponents were Nicholas Bayard, Stephanus Van Courtlandt, 
Frederick Philipse, William Nicolls, Peter Schuyler and Rob- 
ert Livingston. Leisler 's enemies planned a street riot from 
which he narrowly escaped with his life. Warrants were 
issued for the arrest of Bayard, Van Courtlandt, and others 
supposed to have been the fomenters of the riot. Van Court- 
landt escaped but Bayard and Nicolls were arrested and 
thrown into prison. 

Leisler sent his son-in-law, Jacob Milbourne, a young Eng- 
lishman, to Albany to induce the people there to accept his 
government but, as he was opposed by Schuyler and Living- 
ston, both men of great ability and large influence, his mission 
was a failure. A few weeks later came the invasion of the 

157 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

French and Indians, and capture and destruction of Sche- 
nectady, the murder of its inhabitants, all of which would 
most likely have been prevented had the people in Albany 
been in harmonious relations with the existing authorities. 
Notwithstanding the rebuff he had received, on receipt of 
news of the French attack, Leisler immediately sent Mil- 
bourne to the rescue with a party of soldiers. This time Fort 
Orange was turned over to him. 

Early in the spring of 1690, Leisler summoned a congress 
of the northern colonies to meet in New York on the first day 
of May. This congress decided on an invasion of Canada, the 
expense to be borne by New York, Connecticut, Massachu- 
setts, Plymouth and Maryland. They were to raise eight hun- 
dred men and the Iroquois agreed to furnish eighteen hun- 
dred warriors. One expedition, under the command of Sir 
William Phipps, was to go by water and besiege Quebec. 
Another, under the command of Fitz-John Winthrop of Con- 
necticut, was to march on to Montreal by the way of Albany. 
Both expeditions were failures. 

Henry Sloughter. — In the meantime Leisler 's enemies in 
England, especially Nicholson, were not idle. They busied 
themselves in poisoning the mind of the King against Leisler, 
which was not a very difficult task, as Leisler wrote such 
imperfect English that it was easy to misinterpret him. The 
King was told that Leisler was actuated solely by hatred of 
the Church of England. In the meantime, Colonel Henry 
Sloughter was appointed governor of the province and in 
December, 1690, with several ships and a considerable body 
of troops, he set sail for America. His own ship suffered from 
bad weather, was driven out of its course and put in to Ber- 
muda for repairs. 

Major Richard Ingoldsby , one of Sloughter 's subordinates, 
reached New York nearly three months in advance of his 
chief. He had a small force of soldiers with him and de- 
manded the fort for their accommodation, doing this on the 
advice of Philipse, Van Courtlandt and others, all enemies 
of Leisler, When Leisler asked to see orders either from the 

158 



NEW YORK AS AN ENGLISH COLONY 

King or from Sloiighter, Ingoldsby curtly responded : ' ' Pos- 
session of His Majesty's fort is what I demand." Ingoldsby 
had not a shadow of authority to perform any military or 
civil act in New York and Leisler believed, no doubt rightly, 
that to give Ingoldsby possession of the fort would result in 
turning over all civil authority to his enemies. As he could 
not consistently do this, he ordered the troops to be quartered 
in the city hall. From this time till the coming of Sloughter 
there was great excitement, with threats of war, but no blood- 
shed. 

Sloughter arrived on the 19th of March, 1691. History 
has written his character and there is no dissenting opinion — 
"weak, avaricious, immoral and notoriously intemperate." 
He went at once to the City Hall, where he read aloud his 
commission and took the oath of office. Immediately upon his 
arrival, Sloughter was met by Van Courtlandt and his asso- 
ciates, and gave a ready ear to their statements. Although 
he had been ordered by the King to "examine carefully and 
impartially into the state of affairs in New York, and to 
render a true and faithful account thereof," he at once 
became an extreme partisan as might have been expected of 
"a profligate, needy and narrow-minded adventurer." 

Although it was nearly midnight when Sloughter took the 
oath of office, Ingoldsby was sent at once to demand the imme- 
diate surrender of the fort. Leisler refused to give it up 
without a written order from Sloughter, but he sent Mil- 
bourne to see the Governor and make explanations. Slough- 
ter not only would not listen to him but immediately ordered 
him put in irons, though the only offense that could be 
charged against him was the carrying of a message from 
Leisler, The next morning Leisler sent a letter to Sloughter 
turning the fort over to him. When Nicholson took posses- 
sion, he released Bayard and Nicolls from their cells in the 
guardhouse and Leisler was thrown into one of the cells they 
vacated. 

Sloughter appointed as members of his council the bitter- 
est enemies of Leisler — among them Philipse, Bayard and' 

159 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Nicolls. Before a court presided over and made up solely of 
men bitterly hostile to them, Leisler, Milbourne and six mem- 
bers of the council were brought to trial on a charge of trea- 
son and murder. They refused to plead until the court 
decided whether or not the King's letter to Nicholson, which 
was delivered to Leisler, gave the latter authority to assume 
the government of the colony. The court refused to pass 
upon this question but referred it to the Governor and his 
council — all long personal and political enemies of Leisler. 
The decision, of course, was against him. The men who ren- 
dered the decision were sitting upon what was virtually their 
own case. Leisler and his associates refused to plead and 
offered no defense. They were convicted and condemned to 
death. Sloughter was reluctant to sign the death warrants 
of these men, preferring to refer the matter to the home gov- 
ernment, but his associates would be satisfied with nothing 
less than the death of Leisler and IMilbourne. It is claimed 
that Sloughter 's signature was obtained at a banquet when 
he was so deeply under the influence of wine as not to appre- 
ciate what he was doing. The judicial murder of Leisler and 
Milbourne, for it was nothing else, was the beginning of a 
bitter political and social feud, between the supporters and 
antagonists of Leisler, that continued through several ad- 
ministrations. Leisler and IMilbourne were the only men who 
were ever executed for a political crime within the state of 
New York. A dispassionate consideration of the actions of 
Leisler and his friends when in power, and its comparison 
with the course pursued by his enemies when they gained 
control, is not to the credit of the latter. The fact that some 
years later, when passion had had time to subside, and sober 
reason had its sway, Parliament reversed the attainder for 
treason and restored Leisler 's property to his heirs, is pretty 
good evidence that he had been most unjustly dealt with. 

Aside from the execution of Leisler and Milbourne, the 
most important event of Sloughter 's administration was the 
election of an assembly that, influenced by the intense anti- 
Catholic feeling incident to the war between William of 

160 



NEW YORK AS AN ENGLISH COLONY 

Orange and Louis XIV, passed au act forbidding "Romish 
forms of worship" in the colony of New York. Sloughter 
died very suddenly and there were suspicions that he was 
poisoned, but it is more probable that he died of delirium 
tremens. 

Benjamin Fletcher. — Colonel Benjamin Fletcher, the suc- 
cessor of Sloughter, arrived in New York in August, 1692. 
He was a man of ability, desirous of the prosperity of the 
colony, vigorous, prompt and alert, but fond of social 
pleasures and ostentatious show and not unmindful of 
feathering his own nest as opportunities offered. He was a 
devout churchman, had prayers in his house twice each day, 
and furthered the establishment of churches throughout the 
colony. Trinity Church was founded during his administra- 
tion, and he secured for it a grant of land that made the 
corporation exceedingly rich. There was more or less conten- 
tion in regard to the grant during several administrations 
before the matter was secured beyond recall. 

Fletcher was beset with difficulties from the start. The 
Dutch were not kindly disposed toward their English con- 
querors; the great mass of the people was almost as bitter 
against the Church of England as toward that of Rome ; the 
Leisler affair had left a divided people, each faction exceed- 
ingly bitter toward the other. As Fletcher himself expressed 
it, he was a ruler over a "divided, contentious and impover- 
ished people." Frontenac menaced the northern border. In 
order to the more effectually contend with the French, 
through unanimity of action, Fletcher had been given author- 
ity over the militia of Connecticut, Rhode Island and the 
Jerseys, but these colonies regarded this as a violation of their 
charter rights and would not submit or furnish troops or 
ammunition for carrying on a war against Canada. 

Take it altogether, Fletcher did not have an easy path. 
He had been appointed chiefly because it was believed that 
his successful military experience and his energy would en- 
able him to bring peace to the colony that had been torn by 
rival factions. He was set an impossible task. He must 

161 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

necessarily, through the appointment of his council and in 
other ways, side with one faction or the other. He chose to 
side with the opponents of Leisler, and it seemed that he had 
chosen the stronger faction as the new assembly was made up 
almost wholly of that party. Fletcher, who did nothing by 
halves, opposed the Leislerites in all possible ways and soon 
there were but few of them to be found in any official position. 

About this time Leisler 's son, and some others, went to 
England and began a most persistent and energetic campaign 
for the restoration of the Leisler estate and the reversal of 
the act of attainder. Because of the attitude he had taken, 
they were driven to oppose Fletcher. They accused him of 
making wholesale grants of the public lands to churches and 
to ministers for the purpose of building up the Church of 
England, and to other individuals to create a few great 
estates cultivated by tenants, and all this to the detriment of 
the settler of small means. He was also charged with inter- 
fering with the elections for assemblymen, for refusing to 
account for public moneys received, for receiving bribes, for 
prostituting his office for private gain, and for collusion with 
pirates. While these charges may have been true, it should 
not be forgotten that other governors had made great land 
grants and had enriched themselves at the public expense, 
without arousing much animosity on the part of anyone. It 
is fair to suppose that the Leislerites were back of the charges 
made and that they were not urged wholly on account of the 
public virtue of those who made them. However that may 
be, there was ample ground for much criticism of Fletcher's 
administration. 

The piracy which flourished during Fletcher's adminis- 
tration, and before and after as well, was the natural out- 
come of the system of privateering which was then general 
the world over and which was, at best, a sort of restricted 
piracy. Many of the vessels were at first fitted out as priva- 
teers and afterwards entered upon a career of piracy because 
the gains were larger and more easily made. There were 
many who passed for honest men in those days who, in one 

162 



NEW YORK AS AN ENGLISH COLONY 

way and another, profited by piracy without taking any 
direct part in it. Some furnished money to equip vessels and 
received a portion of the proceeds of captures made ; others 
bought goods of the pirates and sold them at a great advance 
on the cost. New York was a favorite market place of the 
pirates and many of the leading merchants of that city 
winked at the trade and profited by it. In course of time this 
trade became so open and so flagrant that the authorities felt 
that it must be stopped at all hazards. 

Captain Kidd. — Robert Livingston and the Earl of Bello- 
mont proposed to fit out a vessel against the pirates as a pri- 
vate enterprise, but under the authority of Great Britain, 
expecting great profits, this being a bit of work only a grade 
above piracy. Livingston suggested Captain William Kidd, 
a shipmaster of New York, as a proper person to command 
such a venture. He was the son of a Scotch Presbyterian 
minister, a man of some wealth, and a citizen of good stand- 
ing. On being consulted he was found willing to undertake 
the enterprise, but wanted one of the King's ships mounting 
thirty guns and carrying fifty men. 

The King took the matter into consideration and consulted 
with five of the highest lords of the realm, and it was decided 
to furnish the ship and crew that Kidd asked for in return 
for a certain share of the plunder that he might secure. King 
William became a partner in this enterprise and a prospective 
sharer in its profits. Just what happened will probably never 
be accurately known. That Kidd, failing to capture the 
pirates, turned pirate himself is certain, and it is certain that 
he was executed for piracy, but it is not certain that his crew 
did not force him into piracy, nor is it certain that he was 
fairly dealt with. The scandal connected with the matter and 
the prominence of the men mixed up with it, made it neces- 
sary that someone should suffer. This led to the execution of 
Kidd and the recall of Fletcher, though there may have been 
ample reason for the action taken in each case other than the 
need of sacrificing someone to save the credit of those in a 
higher station. 

163 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

The Earl of Bellomont. — The Earl of Belloinont was ap- 
pointed governor of New York in 1695, but did not receive 
his commission till 1697. No man of finer character ever held 
the office of royal governor of New York. He was a man of 
great earnestness and intense application. A thorough study 
of the Indian affairs, the land grants, piracy, fortifications, 
accounts, a very extensive correspondence and the habit of 
mastering all the details of every subject he concerned him- 
self with, made his work very laborious, and he really broke 
down under it. While he was a man of great ability and the 
highest integrity, he was hasty, impulsive, lacked judicial 
temperament, and often failed to exercise good judgment. 
He came here having prejudged many things. He declared 
that the execution of Leisler and IMilbourne was a "judicial 
murder." He took it for granted that Fletcher had been 
thoroughly dishonest in disposing of the public lands, and 
that he protected pirates for financial considerations. He 
was disposed to believe that great wealth was incompatible 
with perfect honesty. The apparent relations of many of 
the men of wealth in the colony with noted pirates intensified 
this feeling. Bellomont came to this country as much preju- 
diced in favor of the Leislerites as Fletcher had been against 
them. He was strongly opposed to the establishment of great 
landed estates and utterly out of sympathy with the idea of 
great manors and their feudal privileges. He recommended 
to the assembly the passage of an act forbidding anyone in 
the colony to own more than a thousand acres of land, but 
was not successful in securing such action. 

The land-grabbing under Fletcher was a great scandal. 
Dominie Dellius, pastor of the Dutch Reformed Church at 
Albany, personally secured a grant in Washington County 
seventy miles long and twelve miles in length. This tract 
extended into what is now the state of Vermont. Nicholas 
Bayard obtained a grant of about thirty miles in length situ- 
ated on each side of the Schoharie Creek. Colonel Henry 
Beekman, of Kingston, was given a grant in Dutchess County 
which was sixteen miles square and a tract on the Hudson 

164 



NEW YORK AS AN ENGLISH COLONY 

twenty miles long and eight miles wide. Captain John Evans 
was granted a tract forty miles long and twenty miles wide, 
which included southern Ulster and parts of Orange and 
Eockland counties. Colonel William Smith secured about 
fifty square miles on Long Island, all the land on the Island 
not covered by previous grants. AVilliam Pinhorne, Colonel 
Peter Schuyler, Dominie Dellius and two others were given 
fifty square miles in the IMohawk Valley. These grants, with 
eight or nine others, parcelled out the greater part of the 
province not before taken. 

Bellomont never lost an opportunity to attack a land grant 
in which there was any suspicion of fraud. All the men and 
interests affected by the annulment of grants were repre- 
sented at London, and not only sought to prevent the loss of 
their great estates, many of which were probably dishonestly 
obtained, but they also sought to secure the recall of Bello- 
mont. It is only justice to say that Colonel Schuyler sur- 
rendered his claim to the IMohawk patent as soon as there 
arose any suspicion that there had been fraud connected with 
it. It was claimed, and there is some reason to believe the 
claim to be true, that Fletcher received handsome presents 
when he made the grants under consideration. Among those 
who went to England to bolster up questionable claims was 
Dominie Dellius, who hoped to secure the aid of the Classis of 
Amsterdam. Mr. Vesey, in the interest of Trinity Church, 
wrote to the Bishop of London hoping for his assistance. 
While the efforts of these men delayed action, they did not 
prevent the ultimate extinction of grants known to have been 
obtained through fraud. 

Bellomont saw that the estates of Leisler and IMilbourne 
were restored to their heirs. He made several of the Leis- 
lerian leaders members of his council and, through his influ- 
ence, the government became Leislerian in all its branches. 
He was as bitterly hated by the aristocratic party as Fletcher 
had been by the Leislerites. 

When Kidd turned pirate and it became known that Bello- 
mont had had an intiefrest iu the oTiginal Vefnture, the latter 's 

165 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

enemies made much of it and intimated that, while he pub- 
licly opposed piracy, privately he was interested in it. 
Though wholly untrue, it hurt Bellomont keenly. It was in 
part through his efforts that piracy received a blow from 
which it never recovered. Bellomont died after a reign of 
about three years. He was buried in the church in the fort 
and in 1790 his remains were removed to St. Paul's church- 
yard, where they still lie. He was loved and trusted by the 
common people and his death was keenly felt by them. 

Edward Hyde, Lord Combury. — Cornbury was a nephew 
of King James, but this fact did not prevent his becoming a 
traitor when it seemed that James would have to leave the 
country. This act of treachery was characteristic of the man. 
King William appointed him governor of the province of New 
York in September, 1701, but if there were anything to 
recommend him for the post other than his treachery to his 
uncle, one is at loss to imagine what it may have been. His 
first official act as governor was the appointment of Daniel 
Homan as secretary of the province — a man of low tastes, 
vulgar habits and utter lack of principle. He had been 
Fletcher's private secretary and had had an active part in 
all the scandalous land grants of that administration, had 
been no less active in granting protection to pirates, and had 
been guilty of perjury on numerous occasions. This appoint- 
ment was so scandalous that Cornbury was severely repri- 
manded for making it. He claimed that he was ignorant of 
the character of the man when he made the appointment and 
promised to dismiss him, but evidently he was the kind of 
man that Cornbury wished as, on one pretext and another, he 
kept him to the end of his administration. 

Cornbury 's arrival in New York was the signal for an- 
other change in the swing of the Leislerian pendulum. Bay- 
ard, who had been tried for treason during the time of Nan- 
fan, convicted and, according to the terrible law of that time, 
sentenced to "be hanged, drawn and quartered," was re- 
prieved on confession of his guilt "until His Majesty's 
pleasure could be known." Cornbury reversed all the pro- 

166 



1 



NEW YORK AS AN ENGLISH COLONY 

ceedings against Bayard and set him free. He removed all 
the members of the council who belonged to the Leislerian 
party. If he had wished to create, on the part of the colon- 
ists, the most bitter feeling possible against him and the home 
government, he could hardly have taken a course better calcu- 
lated to bring that about. He was almost continually at odds 
with the assembly which refused to vote salaries for the offi- 
cers of the Crown, except year by year, as a part of the 
annual supplies. From this time till the Revolution, there 
was almost continual strife between the governor and the 
assembly over the question of raising and disbursing funds. 
Cornbury was humbled by being compelled to allow the assem- 
bly to elect a treasurer for the receipt and disbursement of 
all moneys appropriated for particular uses. This was in- 
sisted upon by the assembly, in the first place because of the 
dishonesty of Cornbury, but afterward as a matter of prin- 
ciple. The struggle over matters of revenue and the manner 
of raising and disbursing funds, was an important step toward 
the Revolution. In 1707 the New York assembly passed a 
series of resolutions among which were the following: 

Resolved, That it is, and always has been, the unquestionable 
right of every man in this colony that he hath a perfect and entire 
property in his goods and estates. 

Resolved, That the imposing and levying of any moneys upon 
her Majesty's subjects in this colony under any pretense or color 
whatsoever, without consent in General Assembly, is a grievance and 
a violation of the people's property. 

This was half a century earlier than the Boston speech of 
James Otis or the Richmond oration of Patrick Henry. From 
this time on, with few exceptions, the New York assembly 
granted only annual appropriations, and the money appro- 
priated was collected by their own treasurer, and not by an 
appointee of the Crown, and it was also disbursed under their 
own direction. This was a matter of endless controversy 
between the assembly and the royal governors, but nothing 

167 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

could swerve the assembly from its stand of "no taxation 
without consent," an idea that had its birth in the Nether- 
lands in 1477, not in England nor in New England at a later 
day. The fact that New York took this stand earlier than 
her sister colonies may very likely have been due to the large 
number of Dutch among her people and in her assembly. 

Cornbury was finally removed, his conduct being such that 
the home government could not sustain him longer. He had 
united all classes in opposition to him. Fiske says of him: 
"He was steeped in debauchery and never paid his debts." 
"While he was governor his creditors dared not to be too press- 
ing, but as soon as he was removed from office and powerless 
to harm anyone, they beset him so vigorously that he was 
soon lodged in jail. Here he remained till the next year when 
the death of his father made him Earl of Clarendon and gave 
him money with which he paid his debts, and returned to 
England leaving a very odious reputation behind him. 

Robert Hunter. — Robert Hunter was appointed governor 
in 1710. He was a cultured, genial and literary man, a per- 
sonal friend of Addison, Swift and Steele. He had had con- 
siderable militarj^ experience. He was for a long time a pris- 
oner at Paris and was finally exchanged for the Bishop of 
Quebec. Hunter was a man of the strictest integrity, the 
highest morality, and was one of the ablest of all the colonial 
governors of New York. But in spite of his ability and high 
character, he was at once at loggerheads with the assembly, 
not because of what he was or was not but because of the 
record of his predecessors. He made the utmost effort to 
govern the colony for its best interests, but was suspected of 
ignoble motives and ill treated. In writing to his friend. 
Dean Swift, he said : ' ' The truth is I am used like a dog after 
having done all that is in the power of a man to deserve better 
treatment"; and on another occasion he wrote: "I have spent 
my time thus far here in such torment and vexation that noth- 
ing hereafter in life can ever make amends for it." 

The assembly had lost faith in royal governors and a grow- 
ing feeling of independence led it to be disposed to place some 

168 



I 



NEW YORK AS AN ENGLISH COLONY 

restraints upon their prerogatives. Revenues were provided, 
subject to such conditions that the instructions of the gov- 
ernor would not permit him to approve. Hunter was pro- 
voked almost beyond endurance and finally dissolved the 
assembly. The new body, returned in 1714, contained some 
new members, but the majority held the same views as did 
the preceding assembly, and the same speaker, William 
Nicolls, was chosen. At the very outset, Hunter declared that 
he would sanction no legislation until provision had been 
made for the government. The assembly provided a revenue 
for one year only instead of providing for a permanent rev- 
enue for the necessary expenses of government, as Hunter 
desired. 

The death of Queen Anne operated to dissolve the assem- 
bly again. The new body chosen in the spring of 1715 was 
more favorable to Hunter than those that had preceded it. 
One of the members, Lewis Morris of Westchester, who had 
known Hunter before he came to this country, gave the gov- 
ernor most vigorous support, and one result was the provision 
of a revenue for five years. Later, Morris was appointed 
chief justice of the colony and the opposition declared it an 
unfit appointment — a "put-up job" — but in time everyone 
conceded that Morris made an upright and exceedingly able 
judge. 

Hunter began his administration under the most unfavor- 
able circumstances and met with bitter opposition, but at the 
close of his ten years of service he had won the respect and 
love of nearly everyone. No royal governor ever left New 
York with more tokens of goodwill. In his closing words to 
the assembly, he said: "I assure you that whilst I live, I 
shall be watchful and industrious to promote the interest and 
welfare of this country, of which I think I am under the 
strongest obligations for the future to account myself a coun- 
tryman. I look with pleasure upon the present quiet and 
prosperous state of the people here, whilst I remember the 
condition in which I found them upon my arrival. As the 
very name of party or faction seems to be forgotten, may it 

169 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

ever lie buried in oblivion, and no more strife ever happen 
among you, but that laudable emulation who shall prove 
himself the most zealous servant and dutiful subject of the 
best of princes, and most useful member of a well-established 
and flourishing community, of which you gentlemen have 
given a happy example." 

In replying to these remarks, the Speaker, Robert Living- 
ston, said: "You have governed well and wisely, like a pru- 
dent magistrate, like an affectionate parent and, wherever 
you go and whatever station the Divine Providence shall 
please to assign you, our sincere desires and prayers for 
the happiness of you and yours, shall always attend you. 
We have seen many governors and may see more, and as 
none of those who had the honor to serve in your station 
were ever so justly fixed in the affections of the gov- 
erned, so those to come will acquire no mean reputation 
when it can be said of them, their conduct has been like 
yours. ' ' 

Hunter was bitterly attacked by the clergy, who nearly 
succeeded in securing his recall. The great difference was 
that while they were High-Churchmen, he was a Low-Church- 
man. He was accused by them of being the protector of 
Quakers and dissenters and the upholder of men of low and 
depraved tastes. The Presbyterians at that time were few 
in number and none too well treated, but Hunter vigorously 
defended them. 

Rev. William Vesey, rector of Trinity Church, requested 
the governor to join in a petition to Queen Anne asking her 
to grant the Queen's Farm to Trinity, which he declined to 
do, saying that the Queen was well informed as to all the 
facts in the case and that it would be an improper thing for 
him to join in such a petition, but that he would grant the 
use of the farm during his administration, which was all 
that he had the power to do. This, however, was not sat- 
isfactory, so the clergy made every possible effort to secure 
his recall. Hunter, in a letter to the Bishop of London, 
said: 

170 



NEW YORK AS AN ENGLISH COLONY 

I have, by a liberal contribution and all the countenance and influ- 
ence I could give it, finished Mr. Vesey's steeple. The Ancient Chap- 
pell in the fort, for many years past a beer garden, I have at great 
expense put in repair so that it is now one of the most decent and 
constantly attended Houses of Prayer in all America. I have, by 
my assistance and interest, at last finished the church at New Roehelle 
and granted a patent for the ground forever, a thing often sought 
but never obtained during the administration of former governors. 
I have now actually in hand subscriptions for the building of more 
at Rye, Piscataway, Elizabethtown, etc. ... I have spared no pains 
to get finished the Forts and Chappells for ye reception of our 
Missionaries amongst the Indians, and, lastly, what ought not to be 
boasted of by any, but such as like me live amongst bad neighbors, I 
have charitably assisted the indigent of the Clergy. 

The Palatines. — The coming of the Palatines was perhaps 
the most important as well as the most interesting event of 
Hunter's administration. They had their original home in 
the lower Palatinate of the Ehine, which was ruled by a 
hereditary prince known as the Count Palatine of the Rhine. 
Up to the time of the Reformation, these people were happy 
and contented, engaged with their gardens, vineyards and 
flocks. Their ruler espoused the cause of Luther and their 
little country was often the battleground of opposing forces 
in the bitter religious wars that followed. Louis XIV of 
France, whose bitterness toward his Huguenot subjects 
blinded his sense of justice, declared that the Palatinate was 
harboring heretics, and sent his armies into that country of 
simple, honest people and burned cities, towns and homes, 
destroyed vineyards and gardens, completely devastating the 
country. It is said that two cities and twenty-five villages 
were burning at the same time. The people of the Palatinate 
became exiles and wanderers. Early in the eighteenth cen- 
tury they began to find their way into England. 

In the spring of 1708, Joshua Kocherthal, the pastor of a 
little band of Palatines, appeared before Queen Anne and 
begged her to send his people to America. This she agreed 
to do. She granted them a tract of 2,190 acres, situated on 

171 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

the site of the present city of Newburgh. They were trans- 
ported free of cost, supported for one year, furnished with 
seed, agricultural instruments and furniture, and exempt 
from taxes or quit rent. As soon as the little colony was well 
established, Kocherthal returned to England and, after an 
audience with the Queen, and an understanding with her, 
went to Germany and gathered three thousand of his dis- 
tressed countrymen and brought them to England. It was 
a much larger number than had been expected, and the Brit- 
ish authorities were embarrassed, not knowing what to do 
with such a body of helpless people. 

Hunter, who had just been appointed governor of the 
province of New York, suggested that they be sent there to 
engage in the manufacture of tar and other naval stores, 
which at that time were being imported from the Baltic 
States. This was finally agreed upon and the Palatines 
signed a contract in which it was provided that they should 
be taken to America free of charge, to settle upon the land 
assigned them, and not leave that location without the con- 
sent of the governor. They were not to engage in woolen 
manufactures and were to produce tar which they were to 
sell to the British government, the proceeds to be applied 
toward the payment of the cost of their passage. They were 
to be supported for one year and provided with seed and 
implements. As soon as their debt was paid, they were to 
have forty acres of land each, for which they were to pay no 
taxes or quitrent for seven years. 

Several sites were discussed, one on the INIohawk above 
Little Falls, another on Schoharie Creek, a third on the east 
side of the Hudson, and the fourth on the west side. None 
of these seems to have been positively settled upon, the mat- 
ter being left to the discretion of Governor Hunter but the 
Palatines afterward claimed that they had been promised the 
Schoharie site. 

Much thought was given to making the venture a success. 
An engineer was employed to instruct the emigrants in the 
making of tar. Overseers were appointed, also a commissary 

172 



NEW YORK AS AN ENGLISH COLONY 

and clerks. The passage was a long and stormy one and a 
fatal sickness broke out on shipboard. Four hundred and 
seventy died on the passage. When they reached New York 
they were landed on Governor's Island on account of the sick- 
ness which it was feared was due to some contagious disease. 
The orphans were bound out, the boys till they were seventeen 
years old, and the girls till they were fifteen. 

In determining the matter of location the governor unfor- 
tunately trusted too much to others instead of investigating 
for himself. Interested parties, those who wanted the land 
for themselves or for their friends, persuaded the governor 
that the Mohawk and the Schoharie sites were not suitable. 
On his way up the Hudson he was entertained by Robert Liv- 
ingston, a man of great ability and rare persuasive powers, 
but unfortunately unduly acquisitive. Livingston offered the 
governor six thousand acres of land — a part of his manor — 
on what seemed to be fair terms and the governor accepted 
his offer. The tract lay about eight miles below the city of 
Hudson and was the least suitable of all those that had been 
under consideration, but the agreement was made. Living- 
ston had on his manor a bakehouse and a brewery, so he 
contracted with the governor for victualling the Palatines on 
terms that would have been satisfactory had proper food been 
furnished in sufficient amount. 

In the meantime troubles arose and Hunter was put to 
great straits. There was a change in the English ministry 
and the new officials were not disposed to keep the agreement 
made by the old ones. The northern pine was found to be 
unsuitable for the manufacture of tar, and the Palatines dis- 
covered that they would never be able to pay their debt under 
the terms of the contract, and that they had virtually sold 
themselves into slavery. They were forced to pay the sal- 
aries of a large number of overseers, commissaries, clerks, 
etc. Their troubles, as they told them, were as follows : 

The provisions furnished them were insufficient in quan- 
tity and unfit in quality. Promises made them had not been 
kept. Their children were taken from them and bound out 

173 



NEW YORK'S TART IN HISTORY 

without their consent. The land assigned them was not suited 
for the production of tar or for raising corn and cattle. They 
were refused permission to settle in Schoharie on the land 
that had been promised them. They had been required to 
furnish three hundred men for an expedition against Canada. 
These men were not paid for their services and their families 
were left to suffer. During their second year they were noti- 
fied by the governor that he could no longer provide for their 
substance, but that they must not leave the province. 

The Palatines turned to the Indians for relief and the 
latter gave them permission to settle on their lands in Scho- 
harie. About fifty families made their way in the fall, and 
more in the spring following. Albany parties made an effort 
to dislodge them, urging the Indians to sell their lands to 
others, but they refused to do so. Then Governor Hunter 
sold the land to Albany parties and further efforts were made 
to drive out the Palatines. This is the story as the Palatines 
told it, but Hunter told it differently, complaining that many 
of the Palatines were lazy and shiftless and had little regard 
for their word. Doubtless there were some ne'er-do-wells 
among the Palatines and others who were obstinate and stub- 
born, but it seems equally clear that Livingston and the Al- 
bany speculators were unduly greedy and not altogether hon- 
orable in their dealings with the Palatines. 

William Burnet. — Burnet was the son of Gilbert Burnet, 
the Bishop of Salisbury. He was an upright man and made 
an able governor. The most important event of his adminis- 
tration was the attempt to capture the Indian trade from the 
French. The assembly made an appropriation to enable the 
governor to repair the existing fortifications and build «iew 
ones. They also passed an act forbidding the sale of Indian 
goods to the French, who were in the habit of coming to New 
York and buying the bulk of the Indian goods brought from 
England and taking them to Quebec and there selling them 
to the Indians. In this way they controlled the greater part 
of that trade, and it enabled them to gain a great influence 
over the savages, an advantage that they were not slow to 

174 



NEW YORK AS AN ENGLISH COLONY 

take advantage of. After the law referred to went into effect, 
pieces of strouds (woolen goods manufactured at Strouds, 
England) sold at Albany for £10, while at Montreal they 
were worth £25. This had the effect of very largely trans- 
ferring the Indian trade to the province of New York, and 
from the control of the few into the hands of the many. Bur- 
net held many conferences with the Indians, some of whom 
came more than a thousand miles to attend a council. A 
trading post was established at Irondequoit on Lake Ontario 
and placed in charge of ten young men under the command 
of Peter Schuyler, Jr. 

Burnet made Dr. Cadwallader Golden a member of his 
council. He continued to be a member of the council for 
more than half a century and was a man of note in the colony 
up to the time of the Revolution. He was a man of ability 
and literary taste, a philosopher and a scientist, and for more 
than twenty-five years carried on a correspondence with many 
of the learned men of Europe. He was the first New Yorker 
to achieve any considerable European reputation on account 
of his literary labors. His "History of the Five Nations" is 
still considered an authority on that subject. 

The first newspaper published in New York came into 
existence during Burnet's administration. It was published 
by "William Bradford and was called the New York Gazette, 
the first number of which appeared on the 16th of November, 
1725. It was the size of a half sheet of foolscap, but within 
two years was doubled in size. It contained chiefly European 
news and custom-house entries. 

After the death of King George in 1728, Burnet was 
made governor of Massachusetts and was succeeded in New 
York by Colonel James Montgomery, who was not a man of 
great force or ability. Little of consequence took place dur- 
ing his administration. 

William Cosby. — Cosby 's appointment was an unfortunate 
one and he had a stormy career. He was a man of limited 
education, haughty, pompous, avaricious, and possessed a 
violent temper, which he did not appear to make any effort 

175 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

to control. He was a greedy, grasping, unscrupulous adven- 
turer of the coarser type. 

The assembly voted Cosby a salary of £1,500, in addition 
to which he had many perquisites and considerable allowance 
for expenses. He was accused of adding to his income by 
taking bribes and selling offices. The assembly also voted him 
a gratuity of £750 for alleged services in securing the repeal 
of a sugar bill that was supposed to be detrimental to the 
Middle Colonies. Although the King's instructions forbade 
Cosby to accept any present from the assembly, he was not 
only glad to do so but was angry because the gift was not 
larger. He blustered, threatened, and swore about the matter 
so that it was increased to £1,000. 

Rip Van Dam. — The most important event of Cosby 's 
administration was the quarrel with Rip Van Dam over the 
question of salary, out of which grew the Zenger trial for 
libel. On the death of Governor IMontgomery on the 1st of 
July, 1731, Rip Van Dam, as president of the council, suc- 
ceeded to the office of governor till such time as a successor 
to Montgomery should arrive at New York. He acted as gov- 
ernor for thirteen months, having a peaceful and popular gov- 
ernment. At the close of his term the council passed warrants 
giving him the salary and the fees of the office for the time 
he had served. 

The King gave Cosby an order directing that the salary, 
emoluments and perquisites of the office of Governor should 
be equally divided between him and Van Dam during the time 
that the latter held the office. Cosby demanded half the sal- 
ary Van Dam had received, which the latter was willing to 
pay over provided Cosby would pay him half his receipts for 
perquisites and emoluments as per the King's order. This 
Cosby refused to do, so the two men were squarely opposed to 
each other and neither was disposed to yield. 

Smith, the historian, says: "Van Dam was an eminent 
merchant of fair estate." He belonged to one of the early 
Dutch families and was born in Albany about 1662. With 
James Mills as a partner, he carrierd on a shipyard at the rfear 

176 



NEW YORK AS AN ENGLISH COLONY 

of Trinity Church. He was assistant alderman for three 
years and a member of the King's council for thirty-three 
years — a man of the strictest integrity and very popular with 
the people. 

Cosby was determined to compel Van Dam to turn over 
to him half the salary he had received, but he was puzzled as 
to the mode of procedure. He could not bring the matter 
before the Supreme Court, as his case was one of equity, not 
law. Being ex officio member of the court he was shut off 
from chancery as he could not hear his own case. He dared 
not bring a suit at common law as that would admit of a set- 
off by Van Dam. He feared that a jury would give a verdict 
against him, as it was plain to everyone that Van Dam was 
entitled to his salary and that Cosby was determined to use 
his official position to secure that to which he was not entitled. 
Public opinion was strongly in favor of Van Dam. 

Cosby, by an ordinance dated December 4, 1732, attempted 
to give the judges of the Supreme Court authority to hear 
causes as Barons of the Exchequer and directed the attorney- 
general to bring an action before that court in the King's 
name. The chief justice was Lewis Morris, a man of great 
ability and large and varied experience. He had held the 
office of chief justice for eighteen years. The other members 
of the court were James DeLancey and Frederick Philipse. 
Van Dam was represented by James Alexander and William 
Smith, two of the ablest lawyers of the province, and they 
advised him to bring a suit against Cosby for half of what 
he had received beyond the amount collected by Van Dam. 
To the surprise of the latter the clerk of the court refused to 
affix a seal to the summons, and Cosby would not answer the 
declaration. 

Not since the time of the execution of Leisler had there 
been the bitter partisan spirit that manifested itself now. 
Van Dam's lawyers took exception to the jurisdiction of the 
court to which the governor resorted, and in this they were 
supported by the chief justice, but he was overruled by his 
associates. Cosby then removed the chief justice from office. 

177 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

The case was never settled and the court constituted by Cosby 
never met again. 

Cosby made life so unbearable to those opposed to him that 
they resolved to present their grievances to the King, hoping 
that Cosby would be recalled if the truth were known. Lewis 
Morris was the one chosen to present their case. While in 
England he wrote Alexander, saying: 

And who is there that is equal to the task of procuring redress? 
Changing the man is far from an adequate remedy if the thing re- 
mains the same, and we had as well keep an ill, artless governor we 
know as to change him for one equally ill with more art, that we do 
not know. One of my neighbors used to say that he always rested 
better in a bed abounding in fleas after they had filled their bellies 
than to change it for a new one equally full of hungry ones, the 
fleas having no other business there but to eat. The inference is easy. 

Later he wrote again, saying: 

Everybody here agrees in a contemptible opinion of Cosby, and 
nobody knows him better, or has a worse opinion of him, than the 
friends he relies upon, and it may be you will be surprised to hear 
that the most nefarious crime a governor can commit is not by some 
counted so bad as the crime of complaining of it — the last is an 
arraigning of the Ministry that advised the sending of him. 

The bitterness growing out of the differences between 
Cosby and Van Dam divided the province into two parties, 
involving nearly everyone. Supporting Van Dam were Lewis 
Morris, James Alexander, William Smith, Gerardus Stuyves- 
ant, Philip Livingston, Cadwallader Colden and most of the 
other prominent men of the city. The court party had Cosby 
for its leader with James DeLancey, Frederick Philipse, 
Richard Bradley and Francis Harrison as the leading mem- 
bers. 

Van Dam's friends seemed powerless. The legislature 
was not in session; the only paper of the province, The New 
York Weekly Gazette, was completely under the control of 

178 



NEW YORK AS AN ENGLISH COLONY 

the court .party, therefore the friends of Van Dam determined 
to start a newspaper that should stand for freedom of thought 
and speech. This was something that the world had not yet 
known. Everywhere — in England, in Boston and Philadel- 
phia — men had suffered for daring to write the truth. It had 
driven Franklin from Boston, Bradford from Philadelphia, 
in our own country, and in England De Foe, Swift, Steele 
and others had suffered. Now in New York a paper was to 
be started for the avowed purpose of arousing the people by 
telling the truth. 

John Peter Zenger, one of the Palatine orphans who had 
been bound out to William Bradford to learn the trade of 
printing, was conducting a small printing business in the city 
and agreed to undertake the management of a paper. That 
he had financial assistance is certain. That most of the caus- 
tic political articles in his paper came from another pen than 
his admits of no doubt. He was a good printer for his time, 
better than Bradford, but he was not an educated man nor a 
skillful writer. The new paper was called The New York 
Weekly Journal. The principal contributors were Lewis Mor- 
ris, James Alexander, William Smith and Cadwallader Col- 
den. The attack on Cosby and his party seems to have been 
directed by Mr. Alexander. The paper was filled with bitter 
attacks on Cosby 's administration. No method of attack was 
neglected. There were calm, dispassionate and logical articles 
to appeal to thoughtful men. There were witticisms, satires, 
parodies, squibs, ballads, lampoons and personalities, until 
Cosby and his councillors were almost driven to madness. The 
great mass of the people were delighted beyond measure. The 
court party had no one who could effectively reply to the mul- 
titudinous attacks upon it. 

Cosby and his adherents felt that Zenger and his paper 
must be silenced at all hazards, and they did not mean to 
stop short of that. The governor and his council requested 
the assembly to concur with them in prosecuting Zenger, 
Their request was laid upon the table. Then the matter was 
presented to the grand jury which refused to indict Zenger. 

179 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Determined not to be balked, Cosby had his attorney-general 
file an information against Zenger for "false, scandalous, 
malicious and seditious libel." On the 17th of November, 
Zenger was arrested and thrown into jail, the following war- 
rant being issued by the council : 

It is ordered that the Sheriff for the City of New York, do forth- 
with take and apprehend John Peter Zenger, for printing and pub- 
lishing several seditious Libels dispersed throughout his Journals of 
Newspapers, entitled, The New York Weekly Journal, containing the 
freshest Advices, foreign and domestick; as having in them many 
things, tending to raise Factions and Tumults, among the people of 
this Province, inflaming their minds with Contempt of his Majesty's 
Government, and greatly disturbing the Peace thei'eof, and upon his 
taking the said John Peter Zenger, to commit him to the Prison or 
common Gaol of said City and County. 

Fred. Morris, D. CI. Con. 

For several days Zenger was not permitted to speak with 
any person or to have the use of pen, ink and paper. Pre- 
vious to this the council had ordered four numbers of Zenger 's 
paper to be burned by the common hangman. After the first 
week Zenger continued the publication of his journal, editing 
it from the prison. His trial did not take place for six months 
and during all that time he was kept in jail, his bail being 
fixed at £800, a larger sum than he could raise — an exceed- 
ingly large sum for those days. It was fixed at that sum 
because it was believed that he could not raise it, thus insur- 
ing him that much punishment. There was no fear that he 
would run away. The court party would have welcomed that. 

Smith and Alexander, Zenger 's counsel, urged that the 
trial could not be held before Chief Justice DeLancey, as the 
latter 's commission as judge was void, having been granted by 
the governor without the advice and consent of the council, 
and read "during pleasure" instead of "during good be- 
havior." Evidently the point was well taken, as it was not 
only so regarded by the ablest lawj^ers at the time, but the 
Chief Justice acknowledged its force when he said: "You 

180 



I 



i 



NEW YORK AS AN ENGLISH COLONY 

have brought it to that point, gentlemen, that either we must 
go from the Bench or you from the Bar." He ordered their 
names to be stricken from the roll and refused to hear them 
in their own behalf. If he dared to resort to this practice in 
the case of two of the ablest lawyers of the city, it is clear that 
men of lesser note would not care to undertake the defense 
of Zenger. No doubt the action was intended to leave Zenger 
without counsel, except such as the court should see fit to 
assign. 

It is difficult to give a clear idea of the effect upon the 
people of the city that was produced by the arrest of Zenger, 
followed by the disbarment of his counsel. It was an arbitrary 
act that showed the citizens that they were at the mercy of 
their rulers and that the courts offered no redress. They were 
angered by this, but dazed, helpless and hopeless. However, 
Smith and Alexander, who had written many of the offensive 
articles, did not leave Zenger in the lurch, but employed for 
his defense Andrew Hamilton of Philadelphia, then nearly 
eighty years of age, but still the foremost advocate in Amer- 
ica and the first to achieve a continental reputation. His 
employment was kept a secret and his appearance at the trial 
was a complete surprise to Cosby and his adherents. 

The trial came on in July. The court room was crowded 
almost to suffocation. All business was neglected and every- 
one seemed to feel the far-reaching importance of the matter 
at issue. The court had assigned John Chambers as counsel 
for Zenger. He was a young man without much experience 
and closely affiliated with the court party. He entered for 
Zenger a plea of not guilty and moved for a struck jury and 
a day of trial. The motion was allowed and the 4th of August 
fixed for the day of trial. So far, the court party had had 
everything its own way. Van Dam had not obtained his dues 
from Cosby; Morris had been removed from office; Zenger 
was in prison ; his counsel had been disbarred. 

The jury in this case was made up of men who are worthy 
of having their names remembered. Thomas Hunt was fore- 
man. The others were Samuel Weaver, Stanley Holmes, John 

181 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Bell, Egbert Van Borsom, John Goelet, Benjamin Hildreth, 
Edward Man, Andries Marsehalk, Abraham Keteltas and 
Hercules AVendover. These were the men who were to pass 
upon one of the most important cases in the history of our 
country, and their decision was to count for much for good 
or for evil. 

Hamilton defended Zenger without any fee, saying that 
if a government could use the law of libel to suppress freedom 
of speech and freedom of the press, it would be the end of 
liberty in the colonies. The article of Zenger 's that was the 
most offensive, and the one upon which conviction was most 
strongly urged, was that in which it was said that judges were 
removed and new courts were created without the consent of 
the assembly, whereby trial by jury might be denied when- 
ever a governor was so disposed. 

The Attorney-General opened the case by reading the 
information. In reply Mr. Hamilton said : 

"I cannot think it proper for me (without doing violence to my 
own principles) to deny the Publication of a Complaint, which I 
think is the right of every free-born subject to make, when the mat- 
ters so published can be supported with truth ; and therefore I'll save 
Mr. Attorney the trouble of examining his witnesses to that point; 
and I do (for my client) confess, that he both printed and published 
the two newspapers set forth in the infonnation, and I hope in so 
doing he has committed no crime." 

The attorney-general and the chief justice both held that 
if Zenger had published the statements charged that he was 
guilty, but Hamilton held that the bare printing and publish- 
ing an article would not constitute a libel. 

*'You will have something more to do, before you make my client 
a libeler; for the words themselves must be libelous, that is false, 
scandalous, and seditious, or else we are not guilty." 

Throughout the trial, Hamilton held tenaciously to the 
statement that the information charged his client with print- 

182 



NEW YORK AS AN ENGLISH COLONY 

ing and publishing a false, scandalous and seditious libel, and 
that those words meant something, and that it must be proved 
that his statements were false. The attorney-general and the 
chief justice continued to hold that the truth of a libel was no 
defense and could not be admitted as evidence. They de- 
clared that the only matter for the jury to pass upon was the 
fact of publication, and this was in accordance with the prece- 
dents of that time, but there had recently been a disposition 
to accept a broader interpretation of the law, and it was that 
thought that Hamilton pressed with all his skill and ability. 
He said: 

"It is tnie that in times past it was a crime to speak the truth, 
and in that terrible court of Star Chamber many worthy and brave 
men suffered for so doing; and yet even in that court, and in those 
bad times, a great and good man durst say what I hope will not be 
taken amiss of me to say in this place, that the practice of informa- 
tions for libels is a sword in the hands of a wicked king, and an 
arrant coward, to cut down and destroy the innocent ; the one cannot, 
because of his high station, and the other dares not, because of his 
want of courage, revenge himself in any other manner." 

The following discussion took place between the chief 
justice and Mr. Hamilton. The chief justice said : 

"That is certain. All words are libelous, or not, as they are 
understood. Those who are to judge of the words must judge 
whether they are scandalous, or ironical; tend to the breach of the 
peace, or are seditious. There can be no doubt of it." 

Mr. Hamilton : "I thank your honor ; I am glad to find the court 
of this opinion. Then it follows that those twelve men must 
understand the words in the infonnation to be scandalous, that is 
to say false; for I think it is not pretended they are of the iron- 
ical sort; and when they understand the words to be so, they will 
say we are guilty of publishing a false libel, and not otherwise." 

Chief Justice: "No, Mr. Hamilton, the jury may find that Zenger 
printed and published those papers, and leave it to the court to 
judge whether they are libelous ; you know this is very common ; 

183 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

it is in the nature of a special verdict, where the jury leave the 
matter of the law to the Court." 
Mr. Hamilton: "I know, may it please your Honor, the jui-y may 
do so; but I do likewise know that they may do otherwise. I 
know they have the right, beyond all dispute, to detennine both 
the law and the fact, and where they do not doubt the law, they 
ought to do so. This leaving it to the judgment of the Court, 
whether the words are libelous or not, in effect renders juries use- 
less (to say no woi-se) in many cases; but this I shall have occa- 
sion to speak to by and by." 

In the discussion between Mr. Hamilton and the attorney- 
general as to what constituted libel, Mr. Hamilton said: 

"If libel is understood in the large and unlimited sense urged by 
Mr. Attorney, there is scarce a writing I know, that may not be 
called a libel, or scarce any person safe from being called to account 
as a libeler." 

Speaking to the jury, Mr. Hamilton said: 

"Gentlemen : The danger is great in proportion to the mischief 
that may happen, through our too great credulity. A proper confi- 
dence in a court is commendable; but as the verdict (whatever it is) 
will be yours you ought to refer no part of your duty to the discre- 
tion of other persons. If you should be of the opinion, that there 
is no falsehood in Mr. Zenger's papers, you will, nay (pardon me 
for the expression) you ought to say so; because you don't know 
whether others (I mean the Court) may be of that opinion. It is 
your right to do so ; and there is much depending upon your resolu- 
tion, as well as upon your integrity." 

In closing Mr. Hamilton said : 

"You see that I labor under the weight of years and am borne 
down by many infirmities of body; old and weak as I am, I should 
think it my duty, if required, to go to the utmost parts of the land, 
where my service could be of any use in assisting to quench the flame 
of prosecutions upon informations set afoot by the government to 
deprive a people of the right of remonstrating and complaining of 

184 



NEW YORK AS AN ENGLISH COLONY 

the arbitrary attempts of men in power. Men who oppress and 
injure the people under their administration, provoke them to cry 
out and complain, and then make that very complaint the foundation 
for new oppressions and prosecutions. I wish I could say there were 
no instances of the kind. But, to conclude, the question before the 
Court, and you, gentlemen of the juiy, is not of small or private 
concern; it is not the cause of a poor printer, nor of New York, 
alone, which you are now trying. It may, in its consequences, affect 
eveiy freeman that lives under a British goverament on the main of 
America. It is the best cause, it is the cause of liberty, and I make 
no doubt that your upright conduct this day will not only entitle 
you to the love and esteem of your fellow-citizens, but every man 
who prefers freedom to a life of slavery will bless and honor you 
as men who have baffled the attempts of tyranny, and by an impar- 
tial and uncoiTupt verdict have laid a noble foundation for securing 
to ourselves, our posterity, and our neighbors, that to which nature 
and the laws of our country have given us a right — the liberty of 
both exposing and opposing, arbitrary power in these parts of the 
world at least, by speaking and writing the truth." 

Bradley, the attorney-general, among other things, said : 

"As Mr. Hamilton has confessed the printing, and there could be 
no doubt that they were scandalous papers, highly reflecting upon 
his Excellency, and the principal Magistrate in the province, he 
therefore made no doubt but that the jury would find the defendant 
guilty, and would refer to the Court for their direction." 

The chief justice, in his charge to the jury, said : 

''Gentlemen of the jury : The great pains Mr. Hamilton has 
taken, to show you how little regard juries are to pay to the opinion 
of the Judges; and his insisting so much upon the conduct of some 
judges in trials of this kind ; is done, no doubt, with a design that 
you should take but veiy little notice of what I might say upon this 
occasion. I shall, therefore, only observe to you that,- as the facts 
or words in the information are confessed; the only thing that can 
come in question befoi'e you is whether the words set forth in the 
information, make a libel. And that is a matter of law, no doubt, 
and which you may leave to the Court." 

185 



NEW YORK'S TART IN HISTORY 

The reply of Bradley, and the charge of the chief justice, 
were addressed to men who were already convinced, and there- 
fore were without effect. The jury were out for only a 
moment and returned with a verdict of ' * Not guilty. " It is 
said that the scene that followed the announcement of the 
verdict has never been equaled in a New York court room. 
The audience broke into cheers that could be heard far away. 
The Court in rage and amazement threatened the leader of 
the applause with imprisonment, when Captain Norris, a son- 
in-law of ex-Chief Justice Morris, said that hurrahs were as 
lawful there as in Westminster Hall, where they were some- 
what loud when the seven bishops were acquitted. The ap- 
plause broke out again and the court room rang with huzzas 
for Hamilton. 

The corporation of the city tendered Hamilton a public 
dinner and the mayor, in a complimentary address, presented 
him with the freedom of the city in a beautiful gold box pur- 
chased by private subscription. That evening a grand ball 
was given in his honor and, when he returned to his home in 
Philadelphia, he was escorted to his barge with much cere- 
mony. As he departed, cannon were fired, banners waved 
and the air resounded with the cheers of the multitude. The 
outcome of the Zenger trial established three things: 

1. It established the freedom of the press in North America ; 

2. It wrought an important change in the law of libel ; 

3. It marked the beginning of a new era in popular govern- 

ment. 
Gouverneur Morris says: "The trial of Zenger was the 
germ of American freedom — the morning star of that liberty 
which subsequently revolutionized America." 

In preparing the preceding chapter the following authorities were 
consulted and acknowledgments are hereby rendered for assistance 
received : 

Benton, Nathaniel, Histoi-y of Herkimer County. 

Booth, Mary L., Histoi-y of the City of New York. 

Brodhead, John Romeyn, History of the State of New York. 

186 



NEW YORK AS AN ENGLISH COLONY 

Brooks, Elbridge, In Leisler's Times. 

Campbell, William W., History of Tryon County. 

FiSKE, John, Dutch and Quaker Colonies in America. 

Grant, Mrs. Anne, Memoirs of an American Lady. 

Ketchum, William, Buffalo and the Senecas. 

Lamb, Mrs. Martha J., History of the City of New York, 

Lincoln, Charles Z. (Editor), Messages from the Governors 
(Colonial Period). 

LossiNG, Benson, The Empii-e State. 

Reid, Max, Old Fort Johnson. 

Reynolds, Cuyler, Albany Chronicles. 

Rutherford, Livingston, John Peter Zenger. 

Schuyler, George W., Colonial New York. 

Smith, William, History of New York. 

Thompson, B. F., History of Long Island. 

TucKERMAN, Bayard, Life of Philip Schuyler. 

Valentine, D. T., Histoiy of the City of New York. 

Weise, a. J., History of Albany. 

Wilson, James Grant, Memorial Histoi-y of the City of New 
York. 

Wilson, Rufus Rockwell, New York Old and New. 

WiNSOR, Justin, Cartier to Frontenac. 

, Narrative and Critical History of America. 

Documentary History of New York. 

Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York. 

Magazine of American History. 

New York Historical Society Collections. 

Proceedings of the New York State Historical Association. 

Valentine's Manual of the Common Council of New York. 



VII 

ALBANY AS A COLONIAL CENTEE 

When railroads were unknown and roads of any kind were 
few in number and very poor, transportation in our country 
was almost wholly by water, and largely in canoes. In those 
early days Albany was the great colonial center, made so by 
nature, not by man. It was, in fact, the colonial capital. It 
was the natural base for all operations against the French 
and Indians, except the few that went by water to Port Royal, 
Louisburg or Quebec. It was the objective point of Bur- 
goyne's campaign, as it had been of the French and Indians 
in earlier days. It M^as the place where armies were assem- 
bled, councils held, and treaties made. All this because Al- 
bany was so easily accessible from all directions. 

Look at the map on page 189 showing the water courses 
of this and adjoining states. Note the short distance from 
the headwaters of one river system to those of another. Re- 
member that the Hudson River flows through the only low- 
lying, wide-open gap in the whole Appalachian Mountain 
system. Observe that the Mohawk River flows into the Hud- 
son near Albany, opening the way to the headwaters of the 
streams that take their rise in the middle of the state, their 
waters finding the ocean by the way of the Gulf of St. Law- 
rence, New York, Delaware or Chesapeake bays, or the Gulf 
of Mexico. This at once gives an idea of the immense terri- 
tory reached by water from Albany, with only short carries 
and those few in number. Let us briefly consider a few of 
the details. The Hudson has so slight a fall that the tide 
rises and falls at Albany, making navigation up and down 
that river very easy. From the Hudson at Kingston, canoes 
could go up the Esopus and Rondout creeks and the Wall- 

188 



ALBANY AS A COLONIAL CENTER 

kill River, reaching a large tract of fertile country, then by 
short carries pass to the headwaters of the Delaware and the 



MAP 
PART oF CANADA 

AND 

MIDDLE STATES 

Scale of Miles 




Susquehanna, thus reaching a vast territory. From the east- 
ern branches of the Susquehanna the carries to the Mohawk 

189 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

River or the Schoharie Creek were not long or difficult. From 
the western branches of the Susquehanna, the Finger Lakes 
and the headwaters of the Genesee and the Allegheny rivers 
were easily reached. It was easy to paddle up the Hudson to 
Fort Edward, from which point both Lake George and Lake 
Champlain were close at hand. Ascending the Llohawk to the 
present city of Rome it was but a short carry to the head of 
Wood Creek, and thence to Lake Ontario at Oswego. This 
made much of Canada accessible through the rivers and 
streams flowing into Lake Ontario from that country. A 
careful study of the accompanying map will show that this 
description has by no means exhausted the possibilities of 
water navigation from Albany. 

Some account of the city of Albany in the early days 
should precede its discussion as a colonial center. It consisted 
of one main street parallel to the river, and a broad street at 
right angles to that, leading up to the fort on the hill. A few 
streets of minor importance led off from these two. The more 
important public buildings were in the center of the broad 
street leading up the hill. At the foot was the Dutch church, 
farther up the English church. There was also in the street 
a market place, a guardhouse, and a town hall. 

Albany was nearly on the dividing line between the terri- 
tory of the Algonquins of the lower Hudson and the Iroquois 
of Central New York. It was a Dutch stronghold and the 
center of the great Van Rensselaer Manor. It was the home 
of the Schuylers — the great Dutch family that furnished 
Albany six mayors and the patriot army one of its greatest 
generals. 

Albany was first seen by Hudson on the 19th of September, 
1609. The French traders built a fort on Castle Island, now 
known as Rensselaer's Island, in 1540, eighty years before the 
Pilgrims landed at Plymouth. The first structure, erected in 
what is now Albany, was Fort Orange, which was located on 
what is now known as Steamboat Square. The little village 
that grew up around the fort was first called Bevers\vyck. 

Albany has had an enduring settlement since the arrival 

190 



ALBANY AS A COLONIAL CENTER 

of the Walloons in 1G24. During the early days of our coun- 
try it ranked in importance with Jamestown, Manhattan, 
Plymouth and Quebec. It has always been a place of im- 
portance. Albert Shaw says that it is one of the four great 
law-making centers of the Anglo-Saxon race. It was here 
that the project for a union of the colonies first took form. 
It was really the birthplace of the nation. It was chartered 
as a city in 1686. Its first newspaper, the Albany Gazette, 
appeared in November, 1771. It was the objective point of 
Burgoyne in 1777. It was made the capital of the state in 
1797. The first passenger railroad in America was operated 
between Albany and Schenectady. The first steamboat on 
this continent made its first trip from New York to Albany. 
The first canal in this country connected Buffalo with Albany. 
It was at Albany, in his experimental room at the Albany 
Academy, that Professor Henry demonstrated the practicabil- 
ity of the electric telegraph. 

In 1644 Father Jogues described Albany as ''a miserable 
little fort called Fort Orange, built of logs, with four or five 
pieces of Breteuil cannon, and as many swivels, with some 
twenty-five or thirty houses built of boards, and having 
thatched roofs." 

In 1749 Peter Kalm, a Swedish naturalist visiting Albany, 
said: "There is not a place in all the British colonies, the 
Hudson Bay settlement excepted, where such quantities of 
furs and skins are bought of the Indians as at Albany." In 
1656 the Dutch church was built, which was much like a block- 
house of that time. It was loopholed and mounted three 
cannon. 

In 1758 Albany was a Dutch town with a few cultivated 
and aristocratic families like the Schuylers. Every well-to-do 
family owned slaves, but they were kindly treated. Mrs. 
Grant said it was "slavery softened into a smile." Aside 
from a few families like the Schuylers, no one was * ' very rich 
or very poor; very knowing or very ignorant; very rude or 
very polished." At this time most of the houses were built 
of brick, and stood with the gable ends to the street. Each 

191 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

house had a stoop where the family usually sat summer even- 
ings. There was a good-sized garden for every house. 

Fort Frederick stood on the hill just below the present 
Capitol. It bore different names at different times and was 
not destroyed till 1784. Albany itself has had a number of 
names — some applied to the whole city and some to a part of 
what now constitutes the city. The names are Fuyck, Fort 
Orange, Beverswyck, Rensselaerswyck, Willemstadt and Al- 
bany. In 1685 the city was surrounded by a strong fence 
supported by posts thirteen feet long. About the only objects 
visible from the outside were the church and the fort. Much 
of interest in regard to life in Albany in the early days might 
be given, but it is Albany as a colonial center that is to receive 
chief attention. Let us first consider it as a center where 
councils with the Indians were held, a place for treaties to be 
made and for gatherings for consultation. No attempt will be 
made to present an account of all these meetings, or any very 
full account of any of them. That would take too much 
space. The primary purpose is to show the importance of 
Albany in colonial times. The occurrences related will be 
taken up in chronological order. 

1664. — The first treaty between the English and the Iro- 
quois was made at Albany on the 24th of September, 1664. 
The English agreed not to aid the New England Indians in 
their wars with the Iroquois, and the latter made a treaty of 
peace with the River Indians. The policy of the English was 
to keep peace with all the Indians of the colony and unite 
them in opposition to the French, that the English might 
secure the bulk of the fur trade. This was the dominant 
thought of the English throughout the colonial period, and 
Albany was the center from which all expeditions were sent 
out and the place where the greater part of the Indian coun- 
cils were held. 

1667. — At a very early day the interest of the English 
reached far beyond the boundaries of the colony of New York 
because of the extent of the fur trade, and because the terri- 
tory of the Iroquois was very extensive and their wars, with 

192 



ALBANY AS A COLONIAL CENTER 

which the English were more or less concerned, led them to 
all parts of the country from Canada to the Carolinas. They 
had harried the borders of Maryland and Virginia and, finally 
being willing to consider a peace, they met delegates from 
those colonies at Albany in 1677 and agreed to commit no 
further depredations — an agreement that was not kept very 
long. It was easy to find an excuse for breaking a treaty if 
self-interest prompted it, and the Indians had no monopoly 
in that line. 

1684. — The treaty of 1677 was soon ignored and for 
some years the Oneidas, Onondagas and Cayugas had been 
making forays into Maryland and Virginia, plundering and 
killing the settlers on the borders. In 1684 representatives 
of these tribes met at Albany with Governor Eppingham of 
Maryland and Governor Dongan of New York. Before the 
close of the council, representatives of the Mohawks and the 
Senecas also appeared. The Five Nations agreed to behave 
themselves in the future and to refrain from harrying the 
borders of Maryland and Virginia. A hole was dug in the 
courtyard of the council house, a representative of each of the 
offending tribes threw a hatchet into it, and Governor Ep- 
pingham did the same. The hole was then filled with earth 
and a song of peace was sung. 

1686. — Governor Dongan, who was having much trouble 
with Denonville, the governor of Canada, summoned the Five 
Nations to meet with him at Albany on the 15th of April, 
1686. He warned them that Denonville was planning to 
attack them and promised assistance, but owing to a treaty 
made between France and England whereby each agreed 
not to interfere with any wars that the other might have 
in America, even if the two nations were at war with each 
other in Europe, Dongan was not allowed to keep his promise. 

The Jesuits had converted some of the people of the Five 
Nations and persuaded them to remove to a place near Mon- 
treal known as Caughnawaga. Both the Five Nations and the 
English were anxious to induce them to return. Dongan 
promised that if they could be persuaded to come back to 

193 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

New York he would bnild tliem a church at Saratoga and 
ask King James to send over an English priest. 

1692. — Captain Ingoldsby met the Five Nations at Albany 
on the 6th of June, 1692. He promised that the English 
would vigorously prosecute the war against the French and 
urged the Indians to do the same. The speaker for the 
Five Nations said: "Brother Corlear, we are all the subjects 
of one great King and Queen ; we have one head, one heart, 
one interest, and are all engaged in the same war." They 
promised active support but accused the English of a lack 
of earnestness, and said that if the English and the Five 
Nations were earnest and united they could destroy Canada 
in one summer. 

1693. — There was a growing feeling on the part of the 
English that the Five Nations were cultivating friendly rela- 
tions with the French, and this feeling was strengthened by 
the presence of the Jesuits in the Indian castles. Governor 
Fletcher summoned the Five Nations to meet him at Albany 
in July, 1693. He reproached them for being so under the 
influence of the Jesuit, Milet, whom he declared had induced 
them to apply to the French for terms of peace. He advised 
them to send Milet out of their country. At the close of his 
address the governor made the Indians a present of ninety 
guns, eight hundred pounds of powder, eight hundred bars 
of lead, one thousand flints, eighty-seven hatchets, four gross 
of knives, and a quantity of clothing and provisions, all of 
which he told them was from their King and Queen. 

In reply, a representative of the Five Nations made a long 
address in which he thanked the King and Queen for the 
presents, particularly for the ammunition, but his statement 
in regard to Milet was evasive and noncommittal. When 
Fletcher pressed that matter they resisted firmly, though in 
a friendly manner. Finally they promised that sometime 
in the future, under certain contingencies, they would dismiss 
Milet, but the Oneidas had agreed that they would send a 
letter to the governor of Canada asking terms of peace and 
they could not be induced to break that promise. Through 

194 



ALBANY AS A COLONIAL CENTER 

the influence of the Mohawks they agreed to submit their 
communication to the English before sending. 

1694. — In accordance with the promise made, a group of 
Oneida sachems appeared at Albany on the 2d of February, 
1694, with a copy of their reply to the offers of peace made 
by the French. Their speaker was Decanesora who, for many 
years, had been the principal speaker for the Five Nations. 
In the absence of the governor, he addressed Mayor Schuyler 
and the magistrates of Albany. In reply. Mayor Schuyler 
told them that no consent would be given to any peace with 
the French. He asked them to come again in ninety days and 
meet with the governor, and he also asked that they have no 
correspondence with the French during that time. Decane- 
sora replied that he was not authorized to make such a prom- 
ise but that he would present the request at each of the 
castles, though he could not promise that it would be complied 
with. 

Early in the spring, Decanesora, with other deputies, went 
to Canada. In May a delegation went to Albany as they had 
agreed to do. Governor Fletcher told them that he could 
not make any peace with the French, though he could not 
promise any vigorous action in prosecuting a war against 
them. The Indians wanted either peace or a vigorous prose- 
cution of the war. The present condition of an enemy on 
one hand and a lukewarm friend on the other placed them 
in a most unfortunate position. If war went on, they had 
to bear the brunt of it. If they made peace with the French 
and the English did not, they were between two fires. Their 
position in regard to the war was a proper one but it found 
no support from Fletcher. 

1700. — The French actively circulated stories to the effect 
that the English were not friendly to the Indians and that 
they were planning their destruction. The Five Nations were 
so disturbed by these stories that Governor Bellomont called 
a council to meet at Albany on the 26th of August, 1700. The 
uneasiness of the Indians was shown by the appearance of 
representatives from all the Five Nations as early as the 2d 

195 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

of the month. The governor expressed his regret that they 
should have credited the stories circulated by the French 
and that the Jesuits had been so successful in creating distrust 
of the English who were the best friends the Five Nations 
ever had. He assured them of the King's protection and 
promised to build a fort in the Onondaga country large 
enough to accommodate two hundred men, also to send them 
English ministers who would instruct their children. The 
Five Nations replied that they would not credit the French 
in the future and that if a reward were offered them they 
would seize all the Jesuits and bring them to Albany. They 
also offered to send twelve men from each nation to help 
build the fort. In regard to the offer to educate their children 
they said: "That is a matter not under our control; it 
belongs to the women entirely." 

Bellomont then gave the Indians two hundred bags of 
balls, each bag containing one hundred pounds ; two hundred 
fusees ; two hundred pounds of lead ; two thousand flints ; one 
hundred hatchets; two hundred knives; two hundred shirts; 
forty kegs of rum ; sixty-three hats ; three barrels of pipes, 
tobacco, etc. After the distribution of these presents the 
council adjourned. 

1722. — The old question of the observing of the boundary 
line between the Southern Indians and the Five Nations kept 
arising. To settle this matter, if possible, a council was called 
that met at Albany on the 27tli of August, 1722. Governor 
Burnet of New York, Governor Keith of Pennsylvania and 
Governor Spottswood of Virginia met with the Five Nations. 
This was the first Albany council at which the Tuscaroras 
were represented. It was finally agreed that the governor 
of Virginia would be responsible for seeing that the Indians 
of that province did not cross the boundary line, and the Five 
Nations assumed the same responsibility for the Indians on 
the Susquehanna. As an outcome of this council more than 
forty young Englishmen entered the Indian country as 
traders. They made the acquaintance of many Indian tribes, 
learned their language and were very valuable in keeping 

196 



ALBANY AS A COLONIAL CENTER 

the English informed as to the conditions in the Indian 
country. In that way they contributed much toward the 
maintenance of peace. 

1727. — The French had long been desirous of constructing 
a fort at Niagara. Receiving permission from a portion of 
the Senecas, they proceeded to build though the rest of the 
Six Nations were opposed to it. This led the Indians to 
seek assistance from the English and, in 1727, they met with 
Governor Burnet at Albany. They were thoroughly aroused 
and were exceedingly anxious to drive the French out. The 
chiefs said to Burnet: "We come to you howling, and the 
reason we howl is that the governor of Canada encroaches 
on our land and builds thereon." The chiefs declared that 
they were not strong enough to resist the French and begged 
the English to help them. They formally surrendered their 
country to the great King "to be protected by him for their 
use." This situation presented a great opportunity to the 
people of the province of New York, but as they were more 
taken up with quarrels with their governor than in looking 
out for their immediate interests no advantage was taken of 
the occasion. All that the governor was able to do was to 
build a small fort at Oswego, and even that he had to do 
at his own expense. 

1728. — Building a fort at Oswego greatly enraged the 
French. Although it was not in their territory, and France 
and England were at peace, the governor of Canada threat- 
ened to send a force to destroy it. Matters were sufficiently 
threatening so that the governor of New York called a council 
of the Six Nations to meet at Albany to take the matter into 
consideration. The Iroquois promised to help in the defense 
of Oswego and after the usual distribution of presents they 
returned to their homes. The French never made the attack 
that they had threatened. 

1741. — Rivalry in the fur trade, together with all that 
grew out of that trade, naturally kept the French and English 
at odds. Each wished to control the fur trade. Each bought 
the alliance of the Iroquois. Each wished to erect a fort 

197 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

at Tierondequoit on Lake Ontario. Each endeavored to 
arouse the Six Nations against the other. Lieutenant-Governor 
Clarke summoned the Six Nations to meet him in council 
at Albany in August, 1741. He reproved them for their 
intimacy with the French and said that they favored the 
latter though they were much better treated by the English. 
He told them that he had been directed by their great father, 
the King, to bring about a peace among the Indians so that 
all the red men south of Canada and east of the Mississippi 
should form one mighty chain. He thanked the Six Nations 
for helping to maintain the fort at Oswego. 

The sachems in their reply, in speaking of Oswego, said, 
they wished "their brother Corlear would make lead and 
powder cheaper there and pay the Indians better for helping 
them build their houses." In regard to Tierondequoit, they 
said : * * We perceive that both you and the French intend to 
settle that place but we are fully resolved that neither you 
nor they shall do it. There is a jealousy between you and the 
governor of Canada. If either should settle there it would 
breed mischief. Such near neighbors can never agree. We 
think that the trading houses at Oswego and Niagara are 
near enough to each other." 

The Six Nations agreed to make a treaty of peace with 
the Southern Indians and the council broke up with good 
feeling on all sides and the Indians returned to their homes 
well laden with presents. 

1745.— On the 5th of October, 1745, Governor Clinton 
with several members of his council and delegates from IMassa- 
chusetts, Connecticut and Pennsylvania met in council with 
the Six Nations at Albany. Nearly five hundred Indians were 
present, representing all the nations of the Confederacy, 
except the Senecas who were detained on account of a fatal 
sickness among their people. Governor Clinton opened the 
council. He condoled with the Indians on account of the 
grievous sickness among their brethren, the Senecas. He 
urged them to join the English in a vigorous movement 
against the French. He told them of the great successes 

198 



ALBANY AS A COLONIAL CENTER 

of the English over the French in Europe and expressed his 
deep regret at the friendship that seemed to exist between 
the French and the Six Nations. He presented them with a 
hatchet to strike the French if their hearts were with the 
English. 

Two days after the sachems made reply. They thanked 
the governor for his information in regard to the progress 
of the war and denied having any friendly relations with 
the French. In regard to the governor's appeal to them to 
join in a war against the French, they said: "You desire, as 
we are of one flesh with you, that we would also take up the 
hatchet against the French, and the Indians under their 
influence, with you. We, the Six Nations, accept of the hat- 
chet, and will, put it in our bosoms ! We are in alliance with 
a great many of the far Indians and if we should suddenly 
lift up the hatchet without acquainting our allies of it, they 
would, perhaps, take offense at it. We will, therefore, before 
we make use of the hatchet against the French or their 
Indians, send four of our people, who are now ready to go, 
to Canada to demand satisfaction for the wrongs they have 
done our brethren and, if they refuse to make satisfaction, 
then we will be ready to use the hatchet against them when- 
ever our brother, the governor of New York, orders us to 
do it." At this point presents were distributed among the 
Indians with the request that the Senecas be given their share 
and the council closed without having accomplished any very 
definite results. 

1746. — This year another council was called to meet at 
Albany. The Six Nations were reminded that they had not 
kept their promise of the year before in regard to taking up 
the hatchet against the French. They were told that their 
great father, the King, had determined to destroy the Cana- 
dians and that already troops from Virginia, Maryland, 
Pennsylvania, New Jersey and New York were in motion and 
would soon be at Albany ; that troops and ships of war were 
expected from England, and that the French would be at- 
tacked both by land and sea, and that the Six Nations were 

199 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

expected to join in the great movement against the French. 
They were reminded that the French in times past had in- 
vaded the country of the Mohawks, the Onondagas, and the 
Senecas, burning their towns, destroying their crops, and that 
now they had an opportunity to revenge those insults and 
injuries. They were also reminded that the English had 
always been their friends and had never made war upon 
them. 

The speech was well received. Three days later the 
sachems were ready with their reply. They admitted that the 
bloody affair at Saratoga and other acts on the part of the 
French demanded the fulfillment of their pledge, and they 
were now ready to join in a war against the French. The 
next day they were given presents of greater value than any 
they had ever received before, and went home happy and 
enthusiastic. 

1748. — A great council was held at Albany in July, 1748. 
On the 20th, Governor Clinton arrived accompanied by Dr. 
Golden and other members of his council. Governor Shirley 
and the commissioners from Massachusetts Bay were already 
there, as well as a large number of Indians. The council 
was formally opened on the 29th. Seven colonial governors 
with their staffs were present, as well as the Indian commis- 
sioners of New York, Pennsylvania and Virginia, and thirty 
chiefs of high rank. There were representatives from the 
Six Nations, the Delawares, Shawnees, Mingoes, Wyandots, 
Adirondacks, River Indians, and some far-off tribes. Many 
of the Indians brought their wives and children with them. 
Never before had so many Indians gathered at Albany. There 
were some whose ancestors had fought with King Philip, 
others whose forefathers were followers of Uncas, and still 
others who at a later date were to join with the great Pontiac 
in his effort to expel the English from the West. Governor 
Clinton gave all the Indians new clothes and gaudy attire. 
Never before had they received such an ovation, and rarely 
had Albany witnessed such a sight. The council lasted for 
ten days and was * ' one of the most picturesque in the history 

200 



ALBANY AS A COLONIAL CENTER 

of Albany." For a long time it was one of the proudest 
boasts an Indian could make — that he was at the Great 
Council at Albany. 

Perhaps the most noted Indian present was the Seneca 
Chief Hi-o-ka-to, the husband of "The White Woman of the 
Genesee," Mary Jemison. He had been one of the bitterest 
foes of the English and was reported to have said that he 
would never speak a word to an Englishman. The Indians 
were very enthusiastic over the meeting and were united in 
their opposition to the French, but on the whole the outcome 
of the council was disappointing. No very important matters 
were settled, though the good feeling aroused was a matter 
of encouragement. 

1751. — For a long time there had been a bad feeling 
between the Six Nations and the Catawbas, and a bloody war 
had been waged. It was supposed that all difficulties had been 
settled at a former council at which the Six Nations had 
agreed to a peace, but as the Catawbas were not at that 
council meeting the Six Nations claimed that the peace was 
conditioned upon its being confirmed by a meeting with some 
of the leading men of the Catawbas, and that they never 
appeared, so hostilities broke out again fiercer than ever 
before, the Six Nations going as far south as the Carolinas 
to attack their foes. 

Arrangements were made for holding a council at Albany 
for the purpose of settling the difficulties between these two 
nations. Shortly after this arrangement had been made the 
governor of Virginia asked the Six Nations to meet the Cataw- 
bas in council at Fredericksburg. They felt that they were 
the aggrieved party and that the Catawbas should come to 
them, and declined but said to the governor that if he would 
"move his council fire to Albany they would gladly hear 
him." This was agreed upon and a preliminary conference 
was held on the 28th of June, 1751. Governor Clinton was 
present accompanied by Dr. Colden and other members of 
his council. Commissioners were present from Massachusetts, 
Connecticut, and South Carolina. The King of the Catawbas 

201 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

and five Catawba sachems accompanied the commissioner from 
South Carolina. 

The Six Nations asked for a private interview with Gover- 
nor Clinton before the formal opening of the council and 
their request was granted. The resignation of Johnson as 
Indian Commissioner had been announced and the Six Nations 
were distressed. They urged the governor to use his influence 
with Johnson to have him reconsider his action. An Indian 
runner, who was sent for Johnson, met him on his way to the 
council meeting. He refused to reconsider his action saying 
that he had advanced large sums of money that had not 
been repaid, and that if he continued in office he would be 
ruined, as it was not possible to hold councils with the 
Indians successfully without the expenditure of large sums 
of money. He promised to render all the service that he 
could in a private capacity. At this time he was sworn in 
as a member of the governor's council and remained through 
the conference with the Indians. 

The council was formally opened on the 6th of July with 
a short speech by Governor Clinton, who urged that all the 
Indians of the colonies unite in a common cause against the 
French, saying that in that way they would be invincible. 
He especially urged that they make peace with the Catawbas. 
Two days later the Six Nations made a favorable response 
and a peace with the Catawbas was consummated. Before the 
council was formally closed "the hatchet was buried irre- 
coverably deep and a tree of peace was planted, which was 
to be as green as the Alleghenies, and to spread its branches 
till its shadow should reach from the Great Lakes to the Gulf 
of Mexico." 

1754.— On the 18th of September, 1753 the following cir- 
cular, which was dated at Whitehall, was sent out by the 
Lords of Trade to the governors of Massachusetts, New Hamp- 
shire, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia : 

His Majesty having been pleased to order a sum of money to be 
issued for presents to the Six Nations of Indians, and to direct his 

202 



ALBANY AS A COLONIAL CENTER 

Governor of New York to hold an interview with them for delivering 
those presents, for burying the hatchet, and renewing the Covenant 
Chain with them, we think it our duty to acquaint you therewith, 
and as we find it has been usual upon former occasions, when an 
interview has been held with those Indians, for all His Majesty's 
colonies, whose interest and security are connected with and depend 
upon them, to join in such interview, and as the present disposition 
of those Indians and the attempts which have been made to with- 
draw them from the British interest appear to us to make such a 
general interview more particularly necessary at this time, we desire 
you will lay this matter before the Council and General Assembly of 
the Province under your government and recommend to them forth- 
with to make proper provision for appointing Commissioners to be 
joined with those of the other governments for renewing the Cov- 
enant Chain with the Six Nations, and for making such presents to 
them as has been usual upon the like occasions. And we desire that 
in the choice and nomination of the Commissioners you will take 
care that they are men of character, ability, and integrity, and well 
acquainted with Indian affairs. As to the time and place of meeting 
it is left to the Governor of New York to fix it, and he has orders to 
give you early notice of it. 

To this most important congress the following delegates 
were sent by the colonies: 

Massachusetts — Samuel Welles, John Chandler, Thomas 
Hutchinson, Oliver Partridge and John Worthington. 

New Hampshire — Theodore Atkinson, Richard Wibird, 
Meshach Weare, and Henry Sherburne, Jr. 

Connecticut — William Pitkin, Roger Wolcott, Jr., and 
Elisha Williams. 

Rhode Island — Stephen Hopkins and Martin Howard, Jr. 

Pennsylvania — John Penn, Richard Peters, Isaac Norris, 
and Benjamin Franklin. 

Maryland — Colonel Benjamin Tasker and Major Abraham 
Barnes. 

New York — Joseph Murray, William Johnson, John 
Chambers and William Smith. 

203 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Governor Dinwiddle of Virginia wrote approving the gen- 
eral plan and saying that he would cooperate in any program 
that the convention might adopt, and added, ' ' The war is at 
my back door already and I have my hands full." The 
governors of the Carolinas wrote in a similar strain. 

The Six Nations, the Delawares from Western Pennsyl- 
vania, and the River Indians were at Albany at the opening 
of the congress. There had been many other meetings of 
representatives from the various colonies for various specific 
purposes but this was the first that put forth a plan for 
the union of the colonies as a permanent condition. Other 
meetings had provided for a union for a short time for a 
particular purpose only. 

The council with the Indians was opened with an address 
by Governor DeLancey of New York. He told the Indians 
that they had been invited to receive presents from the King 
and from the colonies, and to renew and brighten the covenant 
chain. He reproved them for living scattered about the 
country instead of at their castles as formerly. He told them 
that the French were trying to possess themselves of the 
whole country, and wished to know if they had built their 
forts on Lake Erie, and the Ohio River, with the consent or 
approval of the Six Nations. 

Three days later the Indians replied through King Hen- 
drick who said the Indians had been compelled to scatter for 
safety as the English had neglected them for the past three 
years and had not once called them to meet in council. He 
said the Six Nations would have driven the French from 
Crown Point if the English had not prevented them. He 
then ridiculed the English for burning their own fort at 
Saratoga and then abandoning the whole country so that an 
enemy might march to the very gates of Albany without 
opposition. He closed by saying : * ' Look at the French ; they 
are men; they are fortifying everywhere! But, we are 
ashamed to say it, you are all like women, bare and open, 
without any fortifications!" Chief Abraham followed in a 
similar strain. Governor DeLancey made a conciliatory 

204 



ALBANY AS A COLONIAL CENTER 

reply and several days were spent in listening to speeches 
from the Indians and in replying to them. After the Indians 
had received their presents and renewed their covenants, they 
departed declaring their hostility to the French. ' 

Colonel Johnson made a written report in which he recom- 
mended that garrisons be established at various points in the 
country of the Six Nations, that a military officer reside at 
each castle so as to keep the government informed as to 
what was taking place, that a number of young men be kept 
in each nation that they might learn the language and be 
able to act as interpreters, and, inasmuch as owing to their 
wars with the French the Six Nations had not been able to 
do the usual amount of hunting or to raise large crops, that 
they be provided with food till such time as they were able 
to provide for themselves. He also recommended that a store 
of clothing and provisions be kept at Oswego and other 
points, from which the Indians might be supplied. His report 
was "universally approved and Benjamin Franklin was re- 
quested to extend to him the thanks of the congress. 

The sessions of the congress were held in the courthouse, 
the first one being on the 19th of June. On the 23d, the 
Rev. Richard Peters, one of the commissioners from Penn- 
sylvania, preached a sermon that was ordered printed. On 
the 24th it was unanimously voted that a union of all the 
colonies was "absolutely necessary for their security and 
defense." A committee consisting of Thomas Hutchinson, 
Theodore Atkinson, William Pitkin, Stephen Hopkins, Ben- 
jamin Franklin and Benjamin Tasker was appointed "to 
prepare and receive plans or schemes for the union of the 
colonies and to digest them into one general plan," and 
report to the convention. After several debates the com- 
mittee reported "a plan of a proposed union of the several 
colonies of Massachusetts Bay, New Hampshire, Connecticut, 
Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Mary- 
land, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina." The 
plan was accepted by the convention. It provided for a 
president-general to be appointed and supported by the 

205 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Crown, and a grand council to be chosen by the representa- 
tives of the people of the several colonies. The grand council 
was to consist of forty-eight members distributed as follows : 
New Hampshire 2, Rhode Island 2, New Jersey 3, New York 4, 
North Carolina 4, South Carolina 4, Maryland 4, Connecticut 
5, Pennsylvania 6, IMassachusetts 7, and Virginia 7. 

The grand council was to hold annual meetings at Phila- 
delphia and have power to make laws for the colonies and 
regulations for the control of the Indians; to build forts, 
impose taxes and duties and regulate trade. All laws enacted 
were to be, so far as possible, in harmony with those of 
England and were to be submitted to the King for his 
approval. If he did not disapprove within three years, they 
were to be in force and binding until repealed. This plan 
met with the unanimous approval of the convention but it 
had the singular fortune to be opposed by the colonies because 
it gave too much power to the Crown, and was rejected by 
the Crown because it gave too much power to the people. 
This congress was the first public step toward independence. 

To provide for the immediate necessities of the colonies, 
the congress passed a resolution asking the King to appoint 
Governor Shirley of IMassachusetts commander-in-chief of the 
colonial forces. It was agreed that the colonies should raise 
and maintain a force of twenty-five thousand men, and that 
Virginia and the Carolinas would be regarded as doing their 
full share if they defended their own borders. The Indians 
agreed to furnish a thousand picked warriors provided John- 
son was made their commander-in-chief, and to raise six 
hundred more for the defense of Oswego if it should prove 
to be necessary. Three commissioners were appointed to go 
to England and present the situation to the King and his 
ministers, and ask that at least twelve thousand regular troops 
be sent to this country and also a fleet strong enough to 
blockade the St. Lawrence and so cut off all communication 
between France and Canada. After completing its duties the 
congress adjourned subject to the call of Governor Shirley. 

A brief synopsis of the military expeditions that assembled 

206 



ALBANY AS A COLONIAL CENTER 

at Albany will also tend to show its importance as a colonial 
center. 

1690 — Five hundred and fifteen men commanded by Win- 
throp of Connecticut met at Albany for a movement against 
Montreal. 

1691 — Peter Schuyler, the Mayor of Albany, led a force of 
about three hundred men and attacked La Prairie. 

1709 — Colonel Nicholson gathered a force of fifteen hun- 
dred men at Albany for a movement against Canada. 

1711 — This year Colonel Nicholson gathered a force of 
twenty-three hundred men at Albany for the purpose of 
invading Canada. 

1755 — Johnson assembled four thousand men at Albany 
for the purpose of attacking Ticonderoga and Crown Point. 

1756 — Loudon assembled an army of ten thousand men 
who met at Albany but frittered away the season without 
accomplishing anything. 

1757 — The French under Montcalm captured Fort Wil- 
liam Henry. The English had more than four thousand men 
scattered from Lake George to Albany, the latter place being 
the base of operations. 

1758 — An army of more than fifteen thousand men gath- 
ered at Albany only to march to a disastrous defeat at Ticon- 
deroga. 

1759 — Amherst gathered about eleven thousand men at 
Albany and marched against the French, capturing Ticon- 
deroga and Crown Point and driving the French out of the 
colony, save for a post on an island in the extreme northern 
part of Lake Champlain. 

Albany, the most important colonial center, the place 
where the English from all the colonies met to consult with 
the Indians and make treaties with them; Albany, the gath- 
ering place of armies where troops from all the colonies met ; 
Albany, the objective point of the French on several occasions, 
was never taken by an enemy and never saw an armed foe. 

207 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

In preparing the preceding chapter the following authorities were 
consulted and acknowledgments are hereby rendered for assistance 
received : 

Beauchamp, William M., Histoi-y of the New York Iroquois. 

Brodhead, John Romeyn, History of the State of New York. 

BuELL, Augustus C, Sir William Johnson. 

Clark, Joshua V. H., Onondaga. 

Golden, Cadwallader, History of the Five Nations. 

Ketchum, William, Buffalo and the Senecas. 

Reynolds, Cuyler, Chronicles of Albany. 

Smith, William, Histoi-y of New York. 

Stone, William L,, Life of Sir William Johnson, 

Weise, A. J., Histoiy of Albany. 



VIII 

INDIAN TRAILS 

The old Indian trails played no unimportant part in the 
early history of our state. A full account of the major and 
minor trails in relation to early history and to modern com- 
mercial routes would be most interesting, but it would be 
very difficult, and perhaps impossible, to gather the informa- 
tion necessary to a complete account. But these trails were 
so important to the Indians, were so largely used by Indian 
traders, and to some extent by the settlers, that a brief sketch 
of them seems very desirable. To determine the location of 
all the early trails would no doubt be impossible. It may 
be sufficient to say that there were trails along all the im- 
portant, and many of the smaller streams, and along the 
shores of the lakes, and from the headwaters of one stream 
to those of another. Many of the minor trails were being 
constantly changed — old ones abandoned and new ones made 
— as the locations of Indian villages were changed or a tribe 
moved from one locality to another, but the great trails 
remained substantially the same for centuries. By constant 
travel not only were distinct paths worn, but they were from 
twelve to eighteen inches deep, varying with the nature of 
the soil. One can get something of an idea of their appear- 
ance by noticing the paths worn in villages where people cut 
across a vacant lot. Note what a path is made in a few years 
and consider what it would become if used for centuries, and 
how much deeper it would be worn in the softer soil of a 
forest where the ground does not so readily become dry and 
hard. 

The age of many of the old trails is to a considerable 
degree a matter of guesswork. It is certain that there were 

209 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

trails along the Moliawk and Susquehanna rivers long before 
the Pilgrims landed at Plymouth, and that missionaries had 
followed the trail along the Susquehanna for more than a 
century before the Revolution. 

The trails were usually on the higher ground because the 
underbrush was less dense, the ground dried sooner after a 
storm, and they were less likely to be obstructed by snow in 
the winter, though at times the trail passed over lower ground 
in order to shorten the distance or secure a better grade. 
Often the large trees along the trail bore hatchet marks. It 
is quite remarkable that savages should have been able to 
locate a trail through a primeval forest so wisely that modern 
road-makers have not been able to make many improvements, 
either in the way of shortening the distance or securing a 
better grade. 

With a few exceptions the cities and the larger villages of 
the state, west of the Hudson River, have been located on 
old Indian trails. Most of the railroads of the state follow 
old Indian trails pretty closely. From 1790 to 1800, when 
there was a great movement of population to the west, a score 
or two of taverns sprung up on the route taken by those 
early pioneers, all of them on old Indian trails. 

The Great Central Trail. — The Great Central Iroquois 
Trail always has been, and always must be, one of the great 
national highways of the continent. This trail led from the 
Hudson River to Lake Erie. It began at Albany and led 
directly across the country to Schenectady. Prom this point 
to Rome there were two trails, one on each side of the river. 
That on the south side was most largely used, as the three 
Mohawk castles or villages were on that side, one at the 
mouth of the Schoharie Creek, one at Canajoharie, and the 
third at the town of Danube, Herkimer, nearly opposite the 
mouth of East Canada Creek. The trail led through these 
villages as well as through Fort Plain, Utica and Whitesboro. 
The trail on the north bank left, the river at Tribes Hill and 
led to Johnstown, then back to the river near Fonda, from 
which point it led west passing through Little Falls, and 

210 



INDIAN TRAILS 

joining the trail that ran along the south side of the river 
at Rome. 

Rome was a very important point. It was not only the 
terminus of the double trail along the Mohawk, but it was 
the point from which began the short portage to Wood Creek ; 
and down to and through Oneida Lake, and down the Oswego 
River was the route to Oswego, another very important point 
in the early days. 

There was only one trail leading from Rome to the west. 
It first passed to the southwest through Verona to Oneida 
Castle, where the principal village of the Oneidas was located. 
From this place it led to Canastota, crossed the Chittenango 
Creek near Chittenango, passed near Manlius, crossed the 
Jamesville Creek at Jamesville, and led to Onondaga Hollow 
in the heart of the Onondaga country. This valley was the 
favorite part of the Onondaga country, and the location of 
the center of government of the League of the Iroquois. 

In leaving the Onondaga Valley, the trail crossed the 
Nine Mile Creek at Camillus, passed through the town of 
Sennet to the site of the city of Auburn. From here the 
Indians sometimes passed down Cayuga Lake to a point near 
Union Springs where there was a Cayuga village, and crossed 
the lake in canoes to another Indian village on the western 
shore, and on to the main trail. At other times they passed 
nearly directly west, followed down the Cayuga Lake for 
some four miles, crossed its outlet, came out on the north bank 
of the Seneca River, and passed to the westward through 
Waterloo to Geneva, A short distance from Geneva was the 
principal town of the Seneca Nation, sometimes called Seneca 
Castle, at others, Kanedesaga. From Geneva the trail 
led through the towns of Seneca and Hopewell to Canandai- 
gua, the site of an Indian village. Here the trail branched. 
The most used one passed through West Bloomfield to an 
Indian village where the village of Lima is now. From there 
it proceeded westward through Avon, and crossed the Gene- 
see a little above the Avon bridge. Then it led northwest to 
the Caledonia Cold Spring, a well-known Iroquois stopping- 

211 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

place, then on through Le Roy near Stafford, and finally 
reached Tonawanda Creek about a mile above Batavia, then 
went down the stream to Batavia, northwest to Caryville, 
again to Tonawanda Creek at ' ' Washington 's fording place, ' ' 
and on to Tonawanda. From this place it passed through 
Akron, Clarence Hollow, Williamsville and Cold Spring, and 
to the terminal of the trail at Buffalo. 

Branches of the Central Trail. — From. Canandaigua one 
branch led to Irondequoit Bay, and connected with the On- 
tario Ridge Trail ; another passed through the town of Bristol 
to Honeoye Lake, in sight of Hemlock Lake, near the north 
end of Conesus Lake, and on to Little Beard's Town on the 
Genesee River near Geneseo. 

From Batavia a branch of the Central Trail passed to the 
northwest, going near Royalton, on to Cold Spring, and 
intersected the Ontario Ridge Trail two miles northeast of 
Lockport. 

An important trail led from Oswego to Lewiston following 
the ridge which probably marks the shore of the ancient lake. 
This ridge is from three to six miles from the present shore 
line. This trail led from Oswego to Irondequoit Bay, then 
to Rochester and on west to Lewiston, passing through or 
near the towns of Brockport, Albion, Medina and Lockport. 
In the early days, Oswego was a place of great importance, 
being the eastern terminus of the Ontario trail and the 
northern terminus of trails leading from the Onondaga and 
the Oneida country. It was the point from which 
expeditions started for places along the lake, or on the north- 
ern shore, or down the St. Lawrence. 

From Rochester there were two trails up the Genesee, 
one on each side of the river. That on the west side passed 
through a Seneca village at Scottsville, a Tuscarora village 
on the fiat two or three miles below Cuylerville, a Seneca 
village a mile north of Cuylerville, to Little Beard's Town 
on the fiat in front of Cuylerville, on the opposite side of 
the valley from Geneseo. There was also an Indian village 
at Moscow, a little to the southwest -of Cuylerville. The trail 

212 



INDIAN TRAILS 

continued on up the river to a place opposite Mount Morris, 
crossed the outlet of Silver Lake to an Indian village in the 
town of Castile, and up to the side of Portage to an Indian 
village in the town of Hume, Allegheny County, near the 
junction of the Portage Creek with the Genesee. This trail 
up the Genesee was one of the routes to the headwaters of 
the Allegheny River down which parties went on their way 
to the Ohio Valley. The trail on the east side of the Genesee 
followed the river to IMount Morris, where there was a small 
Indian village. From that point two trails led up the Cassa- 
daga Creek, one on each side, to a small Indian village at 
Dansville. 

Another trail led along the shore of Lake Erie, and, from 
this, one led to Chautauqua Lake, down it to the Conewango 
River — a branch of the Allegheny — thus affording another 
route to the Ohio Valley. 

Still another trail led from Little Beard's Town on the 
Genesee by the way of the Caneseraga Creek and a short 
carry, to the Cohocton, and down it to the Chemung, inter- 
cepting the Great Southern Trail. 

The Great Southern Trail. — The Great Susquehanna, or 
Southern, Trail was second in importance only to the Great 
Iroquois Trail. The most important point on this trail was 
at Tioga, at the junction of the Chemung and the Susque- 
hanna rivers. A large number of trails from the east, the 
north, and the west, converged and met at Tioga. Those in 
the east, on the Susquehanna and its branches, and those 
on the Chemung and its tributaries, all led to Tioga. There 
were trails on each side of Seneca and Cayuga lakes, and 
from the southern extremity of each lake there was a trail 
leading to the south and connecting with the Southern Trail, 
and so leading to Tioga. The Susquehanna and its branches 
penetrated the country of the Mohawks, Oneidas and Onon- 
dagas, while the Chemung led into the Seneca country, making 
Tioga a great central point for all the people of the Five 
Nations, as the trails from Seneca and Cayuga lakes opened 
the way to the country of the Cayugas. 

213 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

From Tioga there were two trails passing up the Susque- 
hanna, one on either bank. The one on the north side passed 
through Owego and Binghamton and, at Unadilla, intersected 
the Oneida trail which led from the headwaters of the Una- 
dilla River to its junction with the Susquehanna. Passing 
on up the river, the trail led to Otsego Lake, Cherry Valley, 
and on to Canajoharie on the Mohawk. A branch trail fol- 
lowed the Charlotte River and, from the headwaters of that 
stream, crossed to Cobleskill, down the Cobleskill Creek to its 
intersection with Schoharie Creek, where it joined the Scho- 
harie trail that led down that stream to its junction with the 
Mohawk at Fort Hunter. From Schoharie a branch of the 
trail went up Foxes Creek, crossed the Helderberg hills and 
entered Albany. Another branch led from Schoharie to the 
headwaters of the Catskill Creek and down that stream to 
the Hudson. 

The Northern Trail. — One trail led from Ticonderoga up 
Lake George and from the site of Fort William Henry to 
the Hudson River a little to the west of Glens Falls, on 
through the towns of Moreau and Wilton, through the pass 
to the south of Mt. McGregor, then southeast through Galway, 
to the Mohawk Valley a little to the west of Amsterdam. 
This was known as the Kayaderosseras Trail. 

Another trail led from Whitehall at the head of Lake 
Champlain to Fort Edward on the Hudson, following Wood 
Creek so far as practicable. From Fort Edward it followed 
the Hudson to Schuylerville, then up Fish Creek to Saratoga 
Lake, up the Kayaderosseras Creek to Mornings Kill, over a 
short carry to Ballston Lake, then over another carry to 
Eel Creek, and down this to the ]\Iohawk. This was called 
the Saratoga Trail and was very old, having been used long 
before the coming of the white men. 

There was also a trail leading from Fort Edward to 
Lake George, passing near Glens Falls and through French 
Mountain. Another led from Schuylerville by an easy route 
over into the valley of the Connecticut. 

The western Iroquois usually went to Canada by the way 

214 



INDIAN TRAILS 

of Lake Ontario and the St. Lawrence, but the eastern nations 
had several routes to Montreal. The favorite trail was by the 
way of Lake George, which was reached by the way of 
Schenectady, or the route by the Sacandaga River. Some- 
times they went west of the Adirondacks to the headwaters 
of the Oswegatchie River, and down tliat to Ogdensburg on 
the St. Lawrence. Another western route was by the way of 
the Fulton chain of lakes and down the Raquette River to 
the St. Lawrence, or through the Fulton chain and down the 
Saranac River to Lake Champlain at Plattsburg. 

In any Indian locality there are many minor trails but 
they are of interest to the locality only, and someone in each 
locality should make a special study of these. If each locality 
could be studied by someone specially interested in the matter 
and a map made and published so as to afford an opportunity 
for exchanges, it would be a very interesting and helpful 
work. 

In preparing the preceding chapter the following authorities were 
consulted and acknowledgments are hereby rendered for assistance 
received : 

Halsey, Francis, The Old New York Frontier. 

Harris, George H., Aboriginal Occupation of the Lower Genesee 
Country. 

HuLBURT, Archer Butler, Historic Highways. 

Morgan, Lewis H., The League of the Iroquois. 



IX 

NEW YORK IN THE REVOLUTION 

The situation of New York among her sister colonies ; her 
physical features, having in the Hudson River the only 
navigable stream flowing through the Appalachian mountain, 
system to the sea ; in Lakes George and Champlain the easiest 
route to Canada; in the Mohawk Valley an open door to the 
west; and in the many streams having their sources within 
her borders, easy communication with her sister colonies; the 
Six Nations on her frontier ; at the mouth of the Hudson, 
New York Harbor; easily held and controlled by the Britisti 
by means of her fleets — all tended to make New York the 
center of conflict. 

The first blood spilled in the struggle for liberty was at 
the Battle of Golden Hill in New York City, January 19 and 
20, 1770 — nearly two months before the Boston Massacre — 
the two occurrences being similar in character, each a street 
quarrel between the Sons of Liberty and the British soldiers. 

The decisive battle of the Revolution was fought at Sara- 
toga and the bloodiest battle of the war was a part of the 
same campaign and was fought at Oriskany. The last battle 
of the Revolution was fought at Johnstown, New York, a few 
days after the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown. 

Notwithstanding the fact that there were more Tories in 
New York than in any other colony, she furnished 51,979 
troops for the patriot army — many more than were furnished 
by any other colony with the exception of Massachusetts, 
though Connecticut, Pennsylvania and Virginia, as well as 
Massachusetts, exceeded New York in population. 

The first forts captured from the British during the Revo- 
lution were Ticonderoga and Crown Point and the supplies 

216 



NEW YORK IN THE REVOLUTION 

taken there made the successful siege of Boston possi- 
ble. These forts were taken on the 10th and 12th of May, 
1775. 

The first attempt to construct a navy was made by Arnold 
on Lake Champlain in June, 1775. 

Among the other military events of importance that took 
place in the state of New York during the Revolution were : 

1. — The fitting-out of an expedition to Canada which re- 
sulted in the capture of St. Johns, September 25, 1775, which 
was followed by the capture of Montreal and the disaster at 
Quebec. 

2. — The expedition to Johnstown, resulting in the capture 
of three hundred armed Scotch Highlanders, January 19, 
1776. 

3.— The Battle of Long Island, August 27, 1776. 
4.— The Battle of Harlem Plains, September 16, 1776. 
5.— The Battle of White Plains, October 28, 1776. 
6. — Naval Battle on Lake Champlain, October 11-13, 
1776. 

7. — The attack upon and capture of Fort Washington, 
November 16, 1776. 

8. —Battle of Oriskany, August 6, 1777. 
9 — Battle of Bennington (fought in New York) August 
16, 1777. 

10. — Battle of Saratoga, September 19, October 7, 1777. 
11. — Surrender of Burgoyne at Schuylerville, October 17, 
1777. 

12. — Sir Henry Clinton's expedition up the Hudson, and 
the burning of Kingston, October, 1777. 

13. — Johnson's Indian Raid through the Susquehanna, 
Schoharie and Mohawk valleys, 1778. 

14. — Sir Henry Clinton's second expedition up the 
Hudson. 

15. — Mad Anthony Wayne 's capture of Stony Point, July 
15, 1779. 

16. — Colonel Willett's and Van Schaick's expedition 

217 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

against the Onondagas and the retaliatory raids of the In- 
dians, 1779. 

17. — Sullivan's expedition against the Cayugas and Sene- 
cas, and the Battle of Newtown, 1779. 

18. — Johnson's raid into the Mohawk Valley and his pur- 
suit by General Van Rensselaer, 1780. 

19. — The extended raid of Johnson, Brant and Corn- 
planter, 1780. 

20. — Carleton's raid on the upper Hudson, 1780. 

21.— The Battle of Johnstown, October 22, 1781. 

It will be noted that, from the beginning of the Revolution 
till the close of that war, peace was unknown to the people 
of New York. This was not the case with the people of 
any of the other colonies. They all had their breathing spells 
and some of them suffered the presence of an armed foe for 
only a single campaign, but the people of New York had no 
rest from the capture of Ticonderoga till the last shot was 
fired. In the other colonies war ceased with the surrender 
of Cornwallis but the border warfare continued in New York 
for a year and a half after that. 

It is not the purpose of the author of this work to consider 
all the military movements with which New York was con- 
cerned. Space will not permit that. Only a few of the more 
important events can be presented. 

In writing the preceding introductory statements I have 
consulted and made use of "New York in the Revolution," 
by James A. Roberts. 



NEW YORK IN THE BORDER WARS 

The whole confederacy, except a little more than half of the 
Oneidas, took up arms against us. They hung like the scythe of 
death upon the rear of our settlements, and their deeds are inscribed 
with the scalping-knife and tomahawk, in characters of blood, on the 
fields of Wyoming and Cherry Valley, and on the banks of the 
Mohawk. 

DeWitt Clinton. 

No other colony suffered from the border wars of the 
Revolution as did New York and, within that colony, the 
greatest sufferers were in the valleys of the Schoharie and 
the Mohawk. No pen can tell the horrors of the New York 
frontiers during the Revolution. Had the League of the 
Iroquois espoused the cause of the colonies, or had it remained 
strictly neutral, all the horrors of the border warfare would 
have been prevented but, on the other hand, in that case there 
would have been no justification in taking the lands of the 
Indians at the close of the war. The settlement of the great 
West would have been retarded and the building of the Erie 
Canal would have been delayed, or perhaps never accom- 
plished, preventing or delaying the development of the com- 
mercial supremacy of New York. A long delay in the build- 
ing of the Erie Canal might have resulted in the establish- 
ment of commercial channels other than those of the Hudson 
River and the Mohawk Valley, so it often happens that that 
which seems wholly evil, in the long run proves beneficial in 
unexpected and unforeseen ways. 

The reader's attention is invited to a brief account of 
some of the more important events of the border wars in 

219 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

New York, and to some characteristic and interesting minor 
events. 

Sir William Johnson, who did so much for the upbuilding 
of the colony, at the same time put serious obstacles in the 
way of the success of the patriots during the Revolution. His 
influence over the Iroquois was almost unlimited and, to 
a large extent, his son, Sir John Johnson, inherited it. The 
Indians had come to consider that they were the closest allies 
of Great Britain and it was only to be expected that they 
would side with that country in the struggle between it and 
the colonies. Then Johnson had brought over a large body of 
Scotch Highlanders and Irish who also were, as a matter of 
course, loyal to the mother country. To oppose these were 
the Palatines of the ]\Iohawk Valley and some others. The 
population of the valley was not far from equally divided 
between the Tories and the Whigs, and as there is no war so 
bitter, so cruel, so relentless as a civil war, it was natural 
that the cruelties of the warfare in the valley of the Mohawk 
and the adjacent territory would be bitter and relentless. 
During almost all of the Revolution, the Tories and Indians 
had a rendezvous at Oghwaga on the Susquehanna, from 
which place they made a series of attacks on the frontier 
settlements. Of more than a hundred Whig families on the 
Susquehanna above Lackawanna not one remained. Cobles- 
kill, Springfield, Andrustown, German Flatts and Cherry 
Valley suffered in quick succession. 

Cobleskill, May 30, 1778.— Cobleskill, a little settlement of 
about twenty families, was situated on the Cobleskill Creek, 
about ten miles west of Schoharie. It is probable that the 
inhabitants were all Whigs. There was no fort at Cobleskill, 
but the inhabitants had formed a military company for their 
own protection and chosen Christian Brown for their captain. 

The latter part of May several Indian stragglers were 
seen and the inhabitants, fearing an attack, sent to Middle- 
burgh for assistance. Captain Patrick, with a company of 
Continental soldiers, arrived on the 26th and four days later 
there was a conflict with the savages. The troops saw a small 

220 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

party of Indians and marched out to attack them. The 
Indians fell back, closely pursued by the troops, till the latter 
found themselves surrounded by some three hundred and 
fifty savages under the command of Joseph Brant. The 
fighting was carried on Indian fashion, each man for himself, 
seeking such protection as could be found behind trees or 
other obstacles. Being so greatly outnumbered, the soldiers 
who were not killed were soon driven from the field. Of the 
forty-five soldiers, twenty-two were killed, twenty-one escaped, 
and two were missing. The settlers who fled to Schoharie 
were aided in their escape by a few soldiers who occupied 
a vacant house and held the enemy in check. Being unable 
to dislodge these men, the Indians set fire to the house and 
the soldiers were burned to death. The loss of the Indians 
was supposed to have been greater than that of the soldiers, 
but the latter were repulsed and all the houses in the place 
were plundered and burned. 

Andrustown, July 18, 1778. — Andrustown, a little hamlet 
of seven families, about six miles southeast of German Flatts, 
in the present town of Warren, Herkimer County, was at- 
tacked by Brant and a small party of Indians on the 18th of 
July, 1778. All the buildings were burned, four of the 
inhabitants were killed, and two carried off as prisoners. 

Springfield, June 18, 1778. — Springfield was a little settle- 
ment at the head of Otsego Lake, ten miles from Cherry 
Valley. It was attacked by Brant on the 18th of June and 
all the houses burned but one. In that he collected 
the women and children and left them uninjured. Eight 
men were killed and fourteen made prisoners. "With the 
exception of the house named, all the buildings of the settle- 
ment were destroyed, as well as wagons, plows and other 
farming utensils. Over two hundred domestic animals were 
driven off. 

German Flatts, September 17, 1778. — German Flatts, orig- 
inally called Burnetsfield because the patent was granted by 
Governor Burnet, was nearly opposite the mouth of West 
Canada Creek. There was a settlement on each side of the 

222 



NEW YORK IN THE BORDER WARS 

Mohawk, that on the south being Fort Herkimer and the one 
on the north, Fort Dayton, which occupied the site of the pres- 
ent village of Herkimer. Brant had been at Unadilla for some 
time and the people of German Flatts had been warned that 
they were to be attacked. About the middle of September, 
four scouts were sent out to learn, if possible, the intentions 
of Brant. They met the Indians at Edmeston. Three of the 
scouts were killed. The fourth, John Helmer, escaped and 
reached German Flatts with the information that Brant was 
close at hand, giving just sufficient warning to enable the 
inhabitants to reach the forts. At that time the forts in 
the Mohawk Valley were simple affairs, rather places of refuge 
than for protracted defense. They usually mounted a few 
very small cannon whose chief use was to sound a warning 
to distant settlers. 

Soon after the warning of Helmer, Brant with about 
three hundred and fifty Tories and Indians encamped for the 
night in a ravine on the outskirts of the settlement. Although 
he was ignorant of the fact that the people had been warned 
of his coming. Brant was astir before daylight, and at the 
break of day the whole valley was ablaze with burning build- 
ings. Not a building was left for ten miles along the river. 
The destruction was thorough and complete. Not a single 
domestic animal was left. More than a thousand were driven 
off. Not a stack of hay or grain was spared. Sixty-three 
horses, fifty-seven barns, three gristmills and two sawmills, 
with all their contents, were reduced to ashes. No attempt 
was made to capture the forts, and the savages left without 
scalps or prisoners. 

Three or four hundred militia gathered and followed 
Brajit as far as Edmeston, where the bodies- of the three 
murdered scouts were found and buried. The party decided 
that further pursuit was useless and returned, but some 
friendly Oneidas went as far as Unadilla Valley, burned the 
houses of some Tories, took several prisoners and brought back 
some of the cattle that had been driven away from German 
Flatts. 

223 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Burning of TJnadilla, October 10, 1778. — Unadilla had 
long been a Tory and Indian rendezvous. All the patriots 
had been driven from the place. It was a gathering place 
for Indians and Tories on their way to attack the frontier 
settlements. The Tories who had fled from the IMohawk and 
the Schoharie valleys made the upper Susquehanna the basis 
of their operations against the frontier and under the leader- 
ship of Sir John Johnson, the Butlers, and Brant, wrought 
their work of destruction. The upper Susquehanna has had 
a most interesting history. It was one of the most important 
trails leading into Pennsylvania from the territory of the Six 
Nations. It was the route taken by the early pioneers and 
missionaries. It was one of the principal pathways of the 
Tories and Indians during the Revolution, and the course of 
General Clinton on his way to join Sullivan on his expedition 
to the valley of the Genesee. At the close of the Revolution 
it became the favorite route to the "Southern Tier." About 
1800 Unadilla became the terminus of two great turnpikes, 
one coming from the Hudson River at Catskill, and the other 
from Ithaca at the head of Cayuga Lake. These turnpikes 
were the route for a very extensive trade. 

The people of the frontier felt that their safety and com- 
fort demanded the destruction of Unadilla. Colonel William 
Butler (not one of the notorious Butlers of the Mohawk 
Valley) was stationed at Schoharie with his regiment of 
Scotch-Irish and four companies of IMorgan's riflemen. He 
was authorized to attack Unadilla in case he found it a feasible 
thing to do. Therefore, on the 20th of September, he sent 
out four scouts who reported that the enemy had three hun- 
dred men at Unadilla, four hundred at Oghwaga and an 
unknown number at Tioga Point. Butler had about five 
hundred men. He decided on a movement against Unadilla. 
He crossed from Schoharie to the west branch of the Dela- 
ware, then to the head of Oleout Creek which empties 
into the Susquehanna near Unadilla, then marched down 
the Susquehanna to Oghwaga, a well-built Indian town of 
about forty houses. These with the household furniture, 

224 



NEW YORK IN THE BORDER WARS 

and a large quantity of Indian corn, were burned. But- 
ler then went up the river to Cunahunta, another Indian 
town, and burned that. On the 10th of October he burned 
all the houses, except one, on the south side of the river at 
Unadilla, and the next day those on the north side. He also 
burned a sawmill and a gristmill, the latter the only one in 
that part of the country. It was estimated that four thousand 
bushels of corn were destroyed. 

Cherry Valley, November 11, 1778. — John Lindesay, who 
had been naval officer of the port of New York, and sheriff 
of the County of Albany, in 1738, obtained a grant for eigh- 
teen thousand acres of land at Cherry Valley. It was first 
called Lindesay 's Bush in honor of its owner but later its 
name was changed because of the great number of wild- 
cherry trees growing there. Cherry Valley was the wealthiest 
settlement in all that section of the country, as well as the 
most important point on the trail leading from Canajoharie 
to the upper Susquehanna Valley. It was over this trail 
that Sir William Johnson carried his supplies and furs when 
he had a trading post at Oghwaga on the Susquehanna. In 
the early days all the territory southwest of Canajoharie was 
known as Cherry Valley; Otsego Lake was called Cherry 
Valley Lake, and the road built in course of time was called 
the Cherry Valley Road. Little settlements grew up on 
Otsego Lake, Butternut Creek, the Unadilla and Charlotte 
rivers, and along the upper Susquehanna. 

At the time of the massacre there were about sixty families 
at Cherry Valley. In 1777 a fort was erected for the protec- 
tion of the inhabitants and, at the earnest request of the 
settlers, a body of Continental troops commanded by Colonel 
Ichabod Alden of Massachusetts, was sent to that post. Gen- 
eral Hand visited Cherry Valley only a short time before the 
attack of the Indians, and ordered Colonel Klock who was 
on the Mohawk, only twenty miles away, to reinforce the 
garrison at Cherry Valley with two hundred men, not later 
than the 9th of November. They did not arrive till after 
the massacre, which their coming on time would have pre- 

225 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

vented. The delay of Klock has never been satisfactorily ex- 
plained. 

There were frequent warnings of the intended attack and 
some very definite ones, but Colonel Alden did not credit 
any of them. Some of the inhabitants became so alarmed 
that they asked permission to move into the fort, which was 
refused them. Even Colonel Alden and his officers lodged 
with some of the settlers instead of sleeping in the fort. 
Alden promised to send out scouts so that in case the enemy 
did appear he would be able to give the inhabitants ample 
warning. And he did send out scouts, who went in the direc- 
tion from which the enemy was reported to be coming but 
with a recklessness and indifference that can be accounted 
for only on the theory that they felt sure there were no 
enemies in their vicinity, they built a campfire, lay down 
to sleep and awoke to find themselves prisoners. Of course, 
they were unable to give the people at Cherry Valley any 
warning of the coming of the Indians. As a Mr. Hamble, who 
lived some distance below the village was riding toward it 
early in the morning, he was fired upon and wounded but 
kept on and gave the alarm. Even then, Colonel Alden re- 
fused to believe that the shot was anything more than the act 
of some straggling Indian. 

The attack of the savages followed so quickly upon the 
alarm that there was no time to prepare for it. Colonel Al- 
den, whose over-confidence was the cause of the massacre, was 
staying at the house of Robert Wells. He was among the first 
to be killed, being tomahawked while on his way to the fort. 
The whole family of ]\Ir. Wells was murdered with the excep- 
tion of one son who was at Schenectady at school. A Tory 
afterward boasted that he killed Mr, Wells while he was on his 
knees in prayer. No one outside the fort was in condition to 
offer any resistance. Men, women and children were mur- 
dered indiscriminately, or made prisoners according to the 
mood of the Tories and Indians. There were many cases of 
extreme barbarity that made the massacre one ever to be re- 
membered and its perpetrators to be execrated for all time. 

226 



1 



NEW YORK IN THE BORDER WARS 

The infamous Walter Butler was the commander of the expe- 
dition and the instigator of the movement. Brant was with the 
attacking force but he was a Mohawk, and most of the Indians 
were Senecas over whom he had no power and but little influ- 
ence. There is evidence that he exerted himself to save 
several lives. The Senecas, the most ferocious of the Six 
Nations, led the attack. Many of the Tories were even more 
cruel than they. The attacking force consisted of about 
seven hundred — more than twice the number of the troops in 
the fort. The soldiers were not strong enough to attempt a 
sortie. The Indians attacked the fort several times but were 
received with such an effective fire from the garrison that 
they finally abandoned all efforts to capture it and contented 
themselves with plundering the settlement and murdering 
its inhabitants. Mothers were slaughtered while endeavoring 
to protect their children. Little babes were ruthlessly mur- 
dered. The horrors of the massacre pass the power of descrip- 
tion. Thirty-two of the inhabitants, mostly women and 
children, were murdered. Twelve of the Continentals were 
killed. Thirty or forty of the inhabitants were carried away 
as prisoners. 

That Indians would be barbarous in war was to be ex- 
pected but the Senecas, the most savage of the Six Nations, 
were far outdone in cruelty by Butler and his Tory rangers. 
Butler sought the command of this expedition that he might 
revenge himself for his imprisonment at Albany. No one 
has ever attempted to excuse his conduct on this occasion, 
or even to present any extenuating circumstances. No one 
who ever lived in this state was ever so thoroughly detested 
as he and, so long as the history of the border wars continues 
to be known, Walter Butler will be abhorred by all. 

IMKnisink, July 20, 1779. — Minisink is about ten miles 
northwest of Goshen and was settled in 1669. It suffered from 
Indian raids early in its history and, for more than a century, 
the people of that vicinity were more or less familiar with 
border warfare. 

Sullivan's expedition against the Cayugas and Senecas 

227 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

took place in 1779. It was a great task to gather five thousand 
*men and prepare for a march of four hundred miles through 
an unbroken and trackless forest. General Clinton was to 
come down the Susquehanna and join Sullivan. While wait- 
ing at Albany he sent Colonel Van Schaick with five hundred 
and fifty-eight men into the country of the Onondagas to 
punish them as the Cayugas and Senecas were to be punished 
later. Twelve of the Indians were killed and thirty-nine 
prisoners were taken. About one hundred guns were captured 
and all the property of the Indians was destroyed so far as 
possible. Fifty Indian houses were destroyed and the corn, 
stock, and other property of the Indians suffered the fate of 
their homes. 

While Colonel Van Schaick was in the Onondaga country 
small parties of Indians were making raids all along the 
frontier, along the Mohawk, in the Schoharie and Delaware 
valleys, at Lackawaxen, Schoharie, Sharon Center, Stone 
Arabia and near Forts Dayton and Plain. 

With the opening of summer, Brant appeared at Oghwaga 
and Unadilla with a large force, probably not fewer than 
fifteen hundred men. Colonel Butler's destruction of those 
towns the fall before made a great scarcity of food in that 
section and it was necessary to reach out to a more prosperous 
country. 

Partly in revenge for the destruction of Unadilla, partly 
as a retaliation for Colonel Van Schaick 's incursion into the 
Onondaga country, partly for the purpose of securing sup- 
plies, but chiefly for the purpose of diverting men from 
Sullivan's command to protect the inhabitants. Brant invaded 
the Minisink region. 

During the year 1779 the frontier towns of Ulster suffered 
severely. On the 4th of May a party of Butler's rangers 
killed about a dozen people at Fantine-kill, six of whom were 
burned in their homes, and burned four houses and five barns. 
The Tories were pursued by Colonel Philip Van Courtlandt 
who was stationed at Wawarsing with a New York regiment, 
but he was unable to overtake the enemy. He had hardly 

228 



NEW YORK IN THE BORDER WARS 

abandoned their pursuit before they attacked Woodstock, near 
Kingston, burning several houses and taking some prisoners. 

During the previous winter, Pulaski with his cavalry had 
been stationed at ]\Iinisink, but in February he was ordered 
to join General Lincoln in South Carolina. Therefore, that 
part of the country had no protection other than its own 
people could furnish and many of those were absent in the 
army. 

Early in July, Brant with two hundred and fifty Indians 
and Tories invaded the Delaware country, killed several 
men, took a few prisoners and drove off cattle, sheep and hogs. 
On the night of the 19th of July, Brant, with a party of sixty 
Indians and twenty-seven Tories, disguised as Indians, stole in 
upon Minisink so silently that several of the houses were in 
flames before the inhabitants suspected the presence of an 
enemy. Ten houses and twelve barns were burned, as well as a 
church, a small stockade fort and two mills. Several persons 
were killed and others carried off as prisoners. The farms 
of the settlement were laid waste and all the property that 
the savages could not carry with them was destroyed. Brant 
then hastened to join the main body of his warriors at 
Grassy Brook. 

As soon as fugitives from Minisink brought to Goshen 
the news of the raid, Dr. Tusten, the colonel of the local 
militia, ordered the officers of his command to meet him at 
Minisink the following day bringing as many of their men 
with them as possible. One hundred and forty-nine men re- 
ported. Among them were some of the foremost men of the 
county. A council was held. Colonel Tusten was in favor of 
waiting for reinforcements as were some of the others, because 
it was believed that Brant's force was superior to theirs 
and he was a leader of unusual ability and had with him 
Tories who were thoroughly familiar with the country, but 
the majority were in favor of an immediate advance claiming 
that the Indians would not fight, and when in the height of 
the discussion Major Meeker mounted his horse, waved his 
sword and called out: ''Let the brave men follcw me, the 

229 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

cowards may stay behind," everyone followed. It was one 
more illustration of the folly of being controlled by thought- 
less courage rather than by wise discretion. On the morning 
of the 22d they were joined by Colonel Hathorn of the War- 
wick regiment with a few men. Being the senior officer, 
Colonel Hathorn took command. At Half-Way Brook they 
found the Indian encampment of the previous night. Its 
extent and the number of fires showed conclusively that the 
Indians greatly outnumbered them and another council was 
held. Colonels Hathorn, Tusten and some others were op- 
posed to advancing further but bravado controlled as before. 
The next morning the Indians were seen marching toward 
the Delaware River with the evident idea of fording it near 
the mouth of the Lackawaxen. Colonel Hathorn determined 
to attack the Indians at the fording place. As the patriots 
marched toward the river, Brant threw a force to their rear 
and was thereby enabled to choose his position for the conflict. 
As the patriots were crossing a creek, they broke their order 
and, before they were again in position, Brant sounded the 
war whoop and the slaughter began. The number engaged 
was not large but both sides fought with desperate valor and 
the loss of life was terrible. The conflict was long and ob- 
stinate, lasting from late in the forenoon until sundown. The 
men under Hathorn formed an irregular hollow square so as. 
to face the enemy who completely surrounded them. They 
were greatly outnumbered and were short of ammunition. 
There could be only one outcome. The patriots were disas- 
trously beaten and almost annihilated. Of the one hundred 
and forty-nine who joined the expedition against Brant, only 
thirty survived the conflict. A single sentence states the 
truth vividly. That conflict made thirty widows in the little 
Presbyterian Church at Goshen. 

It is believed that the loss of the Indians exceeded that 
of the whites, reaching, it is supposed, not less than one 
hundred and fifty. This tragedy steeled the hearts of the 
men who made up the army of Sullivan to take, as they did, 
the fullest revenge. The campaign of Sullivan, undertaken 

230 



NEW YORK IN THE BORDER WARS 

for the purpose of putting a stop to the Indian raids, did 
not have that effect. The Indians suffered severely the winter 
following their expulsion from the Genesee Valley. They 
were thirsting for revenge and the settlers suffered quite as 
severely as before. 

Rheimensnyder's Bush, April 3, 1780. — On the 3d of April, 
1780, a party of sixty Tories and Indians attacked Rheimen- 
snyder's Bush — a little settlement a few miles north of 
Little Falls. There was a small blockhouse there in which 
the inhabitants gathered at night for safety. The enemy did 
not capture that but they burned the settlement, including a 
gristmill, and carried off nineteen prisoners. 

Harpersfield, April 5, 1780.— Early in April, 1780, Brant 
led a small force of Tories and Indians against Harpersfield — 
a small settlement in the northern part of Delaware 
County, a little south of the Charlotte River. The larger 
part of the inhabitants had left the place on account of the 
Indian depredations, so only a small number of prisoners 
were taken. A few were killed and the settlement was 
destroyed. 

Captain Alexander Harper, with a party of fourteen 
militia, was sent to the headwaters of the Charlotte River 
not very far from Harpersfield. Brant, having destroyed 
Harpersfield, was on his way to Schoharie with thirty-three 
warriors and seven Tories. He came upon Harper who, with 
his men, was engaged in making maple sugar for the garrison 
while, at the same time, keeping watch upon some suspected 
parties. Three of Harper's men were killed at their work 
before Harper suspected the presence of an enemy. Brant 
rushed up to Harper, tomahawk in hand, saying, *' Harper, 
I am sorry to find you here. " " Why are you sorry. Captain 
Brant?" asked Harper. Brant replied, "Because I must kill 
you though we were schoolmates in our youth," and he raised 
his hatchet as though to give the fatal blow, then, with a keen 
look and suddenly letting his arm fall, he said, "Are there 
any regular troops in the forts at Schoharie?" Instantly 
Harper divined the purpose of Brant. To tell the truth would 

231 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

be to sound the doom of the Schoharie settlements ; to deceive 
Brant was no easy task ; to attempt it and fail meant instant 
death to him and his companions, but without the slightest 
hesitation he replied that a reinforcement of three hundred 
Continental troops had arrived two or three days before. 
This information seemed to disconcert Brant and he called a 
council of his followers. Harper and his companions were 
confined and closely watched during the night and, in the 
morning, Brant questioned Harper very closely, telling him 
that he was suspicious that he had not told the truth but 
Harper told so consistent and straightforward a story that 
Brant abandoned his movement against Schoharie and re- 
turned to Niagara, taking Harper and his companions with 
him. 

Little Falls, June, 1780. — Little Falls was a place of some 
importance because its gristmill furnished flour for the gar- 
risons along the Mohawk Valley. To cut off this supply, a 
party of Tories and Indians attacked the place which was 
guarded by only twelve men and therefore unable to offer 
any defense. The mill was destroyed, one man killed, and 
several taken prisoners. 

Canajoharie, Augfust 2, 1780. — In the summer of 1780, 
Brant, Johnson, and Butler devastated the Schoharie and 
Mohawk valleys. Colonel Gansevoort, with his regiment, had 
been detailed to repair Fort Plain and protect the valley, 
but when he was absent with most of his men to convoy 
supplies, being sent to Fort Schuyler, Brant appeared and 
laid waste to the settlements for miles. Before relief could 
come, Brant had killed twelve of the settlers, captured fifty 
or sixty, burned one hundred buildings and carried off three 
hundred domestic animals. Nearly all the houses in Canajo- 
harie were destroyed, as well as a church, a mill and two 
forts. 

The Schoharie Valley, October 16, 1780. — In August, 
1780, it was rumored that Johnson was to invade the Mohawk 
Valley with 2,000 men. Early in September small parties 
of the enemy were seen in different parts of the valley and 

232 



NEW YORK IN THE BORDER WARS 

a force of sixty-five men made an unsuccessful attack on Fort 
Dayton. Later a large force of Indians under Brant and 
Cornplanter gathered at Tioga Point and marched up the 
Susquehanna to Unadilla, where they were joined by Johnson 
with some Mohawk Indians, three companies of the Royal 
Greens, two hundred of Butler's rangers, a company of Ger- 
man troops and another of British regulars. They had come 
from Canada by the way of Oswego, Oneida Lake, and the 
Unadilla River. The united force, which may have numbered 
a thousand, marched up the Susquehanna and on to Schoharie 
by the much used route up the Charlotte River, and over 
the hills to the valley of the Schoharie. There were three 
forts in the valley — one at Middleburgh, one above it, and a 
third below. The upper and lower forts were defended by 
about one hundred men each, while the middle fort had about 
two hundred and fifty men, about one-third of them being 
militia. Johnson planned to pass the upper fort and attack 
the one at Middleburgh which was the strongest, thinking 
that if he could capture it the others would fall as a matter 
of course. However, he was seen as he passed the upper 
fort early in the morning and three warning guns were fired, 
carrying to all the inhabitants of the valley the news of the 
invasion, but the warning was too late to be of much service, 
for the enemy was already scattered through the settlements 
and at once began the work of destruction. 

The middle fort was commanded by Major Woolsey, who 
was undoubtedly a coward. He wished to surrender without 
firing a gun, on the first appearance of the enemy. He may 
have had some reason for this as he was greatly outnumbered 
and his supply of powder was very limited, but the result 
showed that a successful defense was possible. The officers 
of the militia opposed the surrender of the fort and were 
disposed to make a more desperate defense than the regular 
troops. Among those in the fort was the noted scout, Timothy 
Murphy. When, after a vain effort to reduce the fort through 
the use of a few small cannon that he had, Johnson sent an 
officer with a flag to demand the surrender of the forces in 

233 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

the valley, Major Woolsey would have admitted the officer, 
thus enabling the enemy to discover how small a force they 
had, and how weak their defense, but IMurphy protested and 
was vigorously supported by the militia. Woolsey insisted 
and threatened anyone who resisted him, with arrest. In 
the midst of the controversy. Murphy settled the matter by 
firing on the bearer of the flag. Twice, later that day, an 
officer appeared with a flag and on both occasions he was 
fired upon by Murphy. Woolsey ordered Murphy's arrest 
but he was so popular that no one would obey the order. 

After destroying houses, barns, stacks of hay and grain, 
and domestic animals, Johnson suddenly withdrew, passed 
down the valley past the lower fort which he made no attempt 
to capture though it was defended by only a hundred men, 
on down the valley to Fort Hunter. Why Johnson left the 
valley so suddenly is not known. It may be that he believed 
the defenders to be stronger than they were — the firing on 
his flag might have given such an impression — or he might 
have wished to reach the IMohawk Valley before its inhabitants 
had prepared to defend themselves, or he might have feared 
the arrival of troops from Albany, or he might have been 
influenced by some other consideration. The number killed 
during this invasion was small, but Johnson left a scene 
of desolation behind him. 

In the Mohawk Valley. — Johnson continued his work of 
destruction on his march down the valley to Fort Hunter, 
from which place he marched up the Mohawk laying every 
house in ashes on both sides of the river as far as Fort Plain. 
Nothing was left that would burn. Colonel John Brown, with 
a force of one hundred and fifty men, occupied Fort Paris 
at Stone Arabia, about three miles north of the Mohawk. 
On the 19th of October, Johnson marched against him. 

As soon as it was learned that Johnson was in the valley, 
General Robert Van Rensselaer of Claverack, accompanied 
by Governor Clinton, attempted to intercept him. The force 
under Van Rensselaer was the Claverack, Albany and Sche- 
nectady militia. When he reached Caughnawaga, Van Rens- 

234 



NEW YORK IN THE BORDER WARS 

selaer learned that Johnson was planning to attack Stone 
Arabia. He ordered Brown to attack him as soon as he 
appeared in the vicinity and promised that he would promptly 
attack Johnson in his rear. Brown obeyed orders, at- 
tacked a greatly superior force and withstood it pertina- 
ciously until one-third of his men were killed. Brown lost 
his own life in the stubborn fight, but Van Rensselaer with 
characteristic lack of promptness failed to appear. 

After the defeat of Brown, Johnson broke his force up 
Into small parties and plundered and burned property in 
all directions, after which his force gathered again at Klock's 
Field near St. Johnsville. Van Rensselaer was close at hand 
with a force of fresh men much superior in numbers to the 
command of Johnson, whose men were weary with forced 
marches and the burden of heavy loads of plunder. There 
seemed to be no reason why Van Rensselaer should not capture 
Johnson 's entire force but, instead of forcing matters at once. 
Van Rensselaer gave the enemy a rest of several hours while 
he went to Fort Plain for dinner. Late in the day an engage- 
ment took place. Johnson's Indian allies fled and his other 
forces were thrown into confusion and, again. Van Rensselaer 
missed his opportunity. Instead of pushing matters to the 
utmost, which we now know would have resulted in the sur- 
render of Johnson's entire force, Van Rensselaer ordered his 
army to retire for three miles and encamp for the night. 
Johnson's men thought that all was lost and were about to 
surrender when this unaccountable movement took place. 
Van Rensselaer's men were incensed and the Oneidas and 
Colonel Clyde and Captain M'Kean refused to obey orders, 
and hung upon the rear of the enemy for several hours and 
took some prisoners, Johnson crossed to the headwaters of 
the Unadilla River. 

1781. — There were many cases of individual bravery dur- 
ing the border warfare in this state. Two typical ones are 
given. Captain Solomon "Woodworth, who was stationed at 
Fort Dayton, determined to put a stop to the work of the 
marauders in his locality. With a force of forty rangers 

235 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

he set out to reconnoiter the Royal Grant. When about three 
miles north of Herkimer, he was ambushed by a force twice 
as large as his. A fierce hand to hand fight followed in 
which Woodworth and about half of his men were killed. 
Only fifteen escaped, the others being killed or taken pris- 
oners. 

Another case is that of John Christian Shell. Three or 
four miles north of Fort Dayton was a small German settle- 
ment known as Shell's Bush. On the afternoon of the 6th of 
August, 1781, Donald M 'Donald with about sixty Indians and 
Tories appeared. Most of the inhabitants fled to Fort Dayton 
for protection, but Shell had built a blockhouse of his own 
which was two stories high, the second story projecting over 
the first to afford a better opportunity for defense. Having 
a good supply of powder, Shell did not purpose to be driven 
away. When the enemy appeared, Shell and his six sons were 
in the fields. With the exception of two twin boys about 
eight years old, they all reached the blockhouse. From two 
o'clock in the afternoon till dark, Shell and his sons made a 
vigorous defense. Shell's wife loaded the rifles and he and 
his sons stood ready to shoot anyone who showed himself. 
When the attack was abandoned, the enemy had lost eleven 
killed and six wounded. Several attempts to fire the block- 
house failed ; then M 'Donald attempted to force open the door 
with a crowbar but was wounded and drawn into the block- 
house. Once the enemy thrust the muzzles of their guns 
through the loopholes and fired, and Mrs. Shell rendered 
their weapons useless by striking them with a heavy axe and 
bending the barrels. After the attack was abandoned Shell 
and his family withdrew to Fort Dayton. The two young 
sons were taken to Canada but returned at the close of the 
war. The next year Shell was attacked again, but drove off 
the enemy, though one of his sons was killed and another 
wounded, and he received wounds from which he died soon 
after. 

Currietown, June 30, 1781. — Currietown, a settlement of 
twenty or thirty houses, eleven miles below Canajoharie and 

236 



NEW YORK IN THE BORDER WARS 

three miles back from the Mohawk, was attacked on the 30th 
of June by a party of three hundred Indians and a few 
Tories under the command of John Doxstader. The place 
was burned, several of the inhabitants killed and the re- 
mainder made prisoners. Captain M'Kean, with a party of 
only sixteen men, went to the relief of the place which he 
reached so promptly that he was able to put out the fire 
that had not yet destroyed all the buildings. Colonel Willett 
pursued the enemy and overtook them near Sharon Springs 
where they were encamped in a dense cedar swamp. Although 
"Willett had only one hundred and fifty men he determined to 
attack the enemy, trusting to overbalance the discrepancy of 
the two forces by surprising Doxstader. Failing in this he 
directed Captain M'Kean to march to the flank of the enemy 
while Lieutenant Sammons attacked them in the front, then 
slowly retreated. This movement was successful and the 
enemy retreated down the Susquehanna, leaving forty dead 
upon the field. 

During all the summer, the enemy was active in Ulster, 
Schoharie and Herkimer counties, moving in small parties 
and making frequent attacks on exposed places. 

Battle of Johnstown, October 22(^i^—In October, 1781, 
Major Ross and Walter Butler invaded the Mohawk Valley. 
They came from Canada by the way of Oswego and Oneida 
Lake, leaving their boats at the latter place in charge of a 
few sick men. They then went to Warren's Bush (near the 
place where Sir William Johnson made his first home) where 
they killed two men, burned twenty houses, destroyed a large 
quantity of grain, and did considerable other damage before 
Colonel Willett, who was at Fort Rensselaer (Canajoharie) 
twenty miles away, could come to the relief of the inhabitants. 
When Willett reached Fort Hunter he learned that Ross 
had gone to Johnstown. As soon as he could cross the Mo- 
hawk, Willett started in pursuit. At this time Ross had 
about six hundred men made up of regulars. Royal Greens, 
Butler's Rangers, and Indians. 

Willett had about four hundred men. Upon reaching 

237 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Johnstown he thought it unwise to make a direct attack upon 
a force so much superior to his own, so he sent Colonel Har- 
per with a hundred men to march by a circuitous route to the 
rear of Ross. As soon as the latter had presumably reached 
the position assigned him, Willett made his attack. The battle 
was fought on the high ground a little to the north of John- 
son Hall, at a place now marked by a bronze tablet mounted 
on a large bowlder. The battle was a severe one. Ross at- 
tacked the enemy in front to divert its attention from 
Harper 's movement. At first everything favored Willett and 
the prospects for victory were bright when suddenly the 
militia was seized with an unaccountable panic and broke and 
fled as far as the stone church where they were met with a 
reinforcement of two hundred militia and Willett was able to 
check them. In the meantime, Harper attacked the enemy in 
the rear and, after a little, Willett rallied his men and again 
joined in the fight. Soon after sunset the enemy fled in dis- 
order and continued its retreat to the west nearly all the 
night. Early in the morning Willett followed. He sent a 
detachment to Oneida Lake by a forced march, to destroy the 
boats that Ross had left there, so as to cut off his retreat in 
that direction. Learning from a deserter that Ross planned 
to go to Stone Arabia for provisions, Willett marched to Ger- 
man Flatts hoping to intercept him but, on reaching that 
place, he learned that Ross had avoided Stone Arabia and 
gone farther north, shaping his course for West Canada 
Creek. With four hundred picked men, sixty Oneidas, and 
provisions for five days, Willett again started in pursuit of 
Ross, going up the West Canada Creek in the face of a blind- 
ing snowstorm. Late in the afternoon of the next day he over- 
took a lagging party of Indians, killed a few of them and 
captured others. Toward evening he overtook the main body 
of the enemy at Jerseyfield — some twelve miles up West Can- 
ada Creek — and a running fight took place in which Walter 
Butler was killed. The enemy fled again in the night and as 
Willett had won a complete victory, and had only two days' 
provisions with him, it was not considered wise to continue 

238 



NEW YORK IN THE BORDER WARS 

the pursuit, the force of Ross being thoroughly scattered. 
Therefore, he returned to Dayton. 

No two accounts of the manner in which Butler met his 
death wholly agree, and most of them differ materially. It is 
not probable that the truth will ever be established to the 
satisfaction of everyone. No other event of the Revolution 
caused such joy in the Mohawk Valley as the death of Walter 
Butler. It is difficult to appreciate the terror, horror and 
hatred that his mere name inspired. 

The surrender of Cornwallis a few days before the Battle 
of Johnstown really ended the war, though Indians and Tories 
raided the New York frontier for a year and a half after that. 

Throughout all the long struggle for liberty no settler on 
the Mohawk, or in the Schoharie Valley, or on the headwaters 
of the Susquehanna or the Delaware, ever retired at night 
with any assurance that he v/ould not be awakened before 
morning by the war whoop of hostile Indians. We cannot at 
this day form any adequate idea of the hardships of those 
times. It is said that in the sparsely settled territory of the 
county of Tryon alone 150,000 bushels of wheat were de- 
stroyed, 700 buildings were burned, 12,000 farms abandoaed, 
380 women, widowed, and 2,000 children left fatherless. 

In preparing the preceding- chapter the following authorities were 
consulted and acknowledgments are hereby rendered for assistance 
received : 

Benton, Nathaniel S., History of Herkimer County. 

Campbell, William W., Annals of Ti-yon County. 

Claek, J. V. H., Onondaga. 

COLDEN, Cadwallader, The Five Nations. 

Cooper, J. Fenimore, Chronicles of Cooperstown. 

Fiske, John, The American Revolution. 

Goodwin, H. C, Pioneers of Cortland County. 

Grant, Mrs. Anne, Memoirs of an American Lady. 

Halsey, Francis W., Old New York Frontier. 

Ketchum, William, Buffalo and the Senecas. 

LossiNG, Benson J., Field Book of the Revolution. 

Morgan, Lewis H., The League of the Iroquois. 

239 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Reh), Max, The Mohawk Valley. 

, Old Fort Johnson. 

Sawyer, John, History of Cherry Valley. 

Seaver, J. E., Life of Mary Jemison. 

SiMMS, J. R., The Frontiersmen of New York. 

Stone, William L., Border Wars of the American Revolution. 

, Life of Joseph Brant. 

Wilkinson, J. B., Annals of Binghamton. 

Clinton Papers. 

Documentary History of New York. 

New York Colonial Documents. 

New York Historical Society Publications. 

Proceedings of the New York State Historical Association. 



XI 

BUEGOYNE'S INVASION 

Burgoyne was at Boston during the time that it was being 
besieged by Washington. On the evacuation of that city by 
the British, Burgoyne went to England where, with the King 
and Lord Germain, he made the plans for the campaign of 
1777. All the minute details were provided for and the com- 
manding officers had little or no option. Massachusetts fur- 
nished more troops for the American cause than any other 
colony. New York came next. The people of New Jersey 
and Pennsylvania were thought to be rather lukewarm sup- 
porters of the Declaration of Independence. 

Taking these things into consideration, it was thought that 
if New York could be fully occupied by the British that New 
England would be completely cut off from her sister colonies 
at the south and each section could be subdued in turn. 

The plan evolved called for three expeditions acting in 
harmony. Howe had twenty thousand troops in New York. 
He was to send an army up the Hudson to Albany, taking 
possession of West Point and all other places of importance 
on the river, on his way. St. Leger, with a small force, was 
to go to Oswego by the way of the St. Lawrence River and 
Lake Ontario, then go up the Oswego River, into and through 
Oneida Lake, and across a short carry to the headwaters of 
the Mohawk, and down that valley to Albany. It was ex- 
pected that the numerous loyalists in the valley would flock 
to his standard. Burgoyne with a force of eight thousand 
men was to pass through Lakes Champlain and George, across 
to the Hudson, and down it to join the other forces at Albany. 
This would give the British complete control of the colony. 
The plan seemed easy of accomplishment because of the great 

241 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

superiority of the British forces in niinibers, training and 
equipment. The Americans could not bring into the field 
more than one-half as many men as the British had. But 
there were, after all, many disadvantages on the side of the 
British. It was essential that the three forces should thor- 
oughly cooperate, and yet communication was very difficult. 
With Howe in New York, Burgoyne at Fort Edward and St. 
Leger before Fort Stanwix, not only would cooperation be 
very difficult but it would be absolutely impossible for rein- 
forcements to be sent from one commander to another in case 
of need, while Washington at IMorristown, Putnam at Peeks- 
kill, Schuyler north of Albany, and Gansevoort and Herki- 
mer in the Mohawk Valley, could communicate with each 
other easily and quickly and one could reinforce the other 
and, as a matter of fact, did so. 

The command of the expedition to come down from Can- 
ada would naturally have been given to Sir Guy Carleton, 
who had administered the affairs in that province most suc- 
cessfully, but he was not liked by Germain ; therefore he was 
passed over and the command given to Sir John Burgoyne — 
a brave, capable and humane man but somewhat pompous 
and boastful. He sought prominence and had great confi- 
dence in his ability. 

The army was concentrated at St. Johns, and there Sir 
Guy Carleton, Burgoyne, Riedesel, Phillips, Fraser and other 
officers of rank had a sumptuous dinner together. Wine 
flowed freely and all was hilarity. As Carleton took his leave 
he was saluted by the roar of cannon and the various bodies 
of troops marched back and forth on their way to the place 
of embarkation. This opening of the campaign was a brilliant 
spectacle, and it is not to be wondered at that Burgoyne was 
confidently hopeful and looked forward to a brilliantly suc- 
cessful campaign with its resulting rewards and honors. 

Burgoyne 's army consisted of about eight thousand men, 
mostly made up of British regulars and hired troops from 
Germany. All were trained soldiers who had seen much ser- 
vice. There were a few Canadians and Indians, It was early 

242 



BURGOYNE'S INVASION 

in June when Burgoyne left St. Johns. lie was so much 
delayed by contrary winds that he was several days in reach- 
ing Cumberland Head, where he halted until his stores and 
ammunition arrived. He had seven hundred carts and fifteen 
hundred horses for use in transporting his supplies over 
portages. From Cumberland Head he went to Bouquet River, 
where he was joined by four hundred Indians, to whom he 
gave a war-feast. He addressed them saying that they must 
carry on their warfare in a civilized manner, bringing their 
prisoners into camp instead of killing and scalping them, 
which, of course, they promised to do, Burgoyne knew so 
little of Indian characteristics that he really believed that he 
had so arranged matters that there would be no trouble result- 
ing from Indian barbarities. He met with no resistance until 
he reached Ticonderoga. 

Burgoyne had a large train of brass artillery, a full sup- 
ply of arms, ammunition, and military supplies. The works 
at Ticonderoga would require ten thousand men for effective 
defense, and there were only about twenty-five hundred. 
More than one-third of those were militia, undisciplined, 
poorly armed and equipped. Ticonderoga was generally con- 
sidered impregnable, but this was far from being the case. 
As a matter of fact, it was weak, every point in its line of 
defense being commanded by Sugar Loaf Hill (Mount Defi- 
ance), which was seven hundred and fifty feet high, situated 
just across the outlet of Lake George. Long before this time 
Montcalm had declared Ticonderoga to be a trap in which 
some good man would lose his reputation. When Burgoyne 
appeared before it. General Arthur St. Clair was in com- 
mand. He was born in Scotland and was a grandson of the 
Earl of Roslin. He had served under Amherst at Louisburg 
and Wolfe at Quebec. He took part in the battles of Trenton 
and Princeton, and was with the army at the surrender of 
Cornwallis. In 1786 he was a member of Congress and in 
1787 the president of that body. 

Besides the works at Ticonderoga there was a star fort on 
Mount Independence across the lake from Ticonderoga, and 

243 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

water batteries at the foot of the hill, both mounting heavy- 
guns and perfectly commanding the passage of the lake. 
There was a floating bridge across the lake from Ticonderoga 
to Mount Independence. On the morning of the 5th of July, 
the Americans were astonished to see the crest of Mount 
Defiance dotted with scarlet uniforms, and a battery of eight 
pieces of artillery in position. Ticonderoga was no longer 
tenable. The fall of Ticonderoga filled the country with 
anger and consternation. Schuyler was greatly blamed. Let 
us see where the fault, if fault there were, lay. 

Schuyler, St. Clair, and Gates had all had to do with the 
place. Horatio Gates was born in England, trained to arms, 
and served under Braddock in his disastrous campaign for 
the capture of Fort Duquesne. He never showed any mili- 
tary genius. The temporary reputation he gained at Sara- 
toga was due to the efficient service of others, the previous 
operations of Schuyler, and the skill and bravery of Arnold 
and Morgan. Gates had been a companion in arms with 
"Washington during the Braddock campaign. Later when 
both were Virginia gentlemen and large landed proprietors, 
Gates sought the friendship of his early associate in military 
affairs. On the breaking-out of the Revolution, Gates was 
made adjutant-general with the rank of a brigadier. He was 
very efficient in organizing the camp at Cambridge and took 
especial pains to cultivate the goodwill of the New Eng-| 
landers and to do it at the expense of others, a characteristic 
of his. He was very emphatic in declaring that New York 
was wholly wrong in her boundary disputes with New Hamp- 
shire and Massachusetts. This, of course, was at the expense 
of Schuyler, who had been active in pushing the claims of 
his own state. 

Gates was appointed a major-general in May, 1776, and 
the next month was appointed to the command of the army 
then operating in Canada. When he reached Albany he 
learned that the army had retreated and was assembling at 
Crown Point. As this was in Schuyler's territory the latter 
claimed the command. If this claim were allowed Gates would 

244 



I 



BURGOYNE'S INVASION 

be under him. Gates contended that his was an independent 
command. The matter was referred to Congress and after 
considerable delay that body reported that Ticonderoga and 
Fort Stanwix with their dependencies were within the depart- 
ment of Schuyler. Gates refused to serve under Schuyler and 
the command was given to St. Clair. During the time that 
the matter of jurisdiction was before Congress, Gates was at 
Ticonderoga. Colonel Trumbull called his attention to Sugar 
Loaf Mountain and urged the importance of fortifying it. 
Gates ridiculed the idea. St. Clair had been in coinmand 
only three weeks before Burgoyne's appearance. He had 
intended to occupy Sugar Loaf Mountain but did not act 
promptly enough. Under the circumstances stated, it is hard 
to see how Schuyler could be blamed, yet this was one of the 
offenses urged against him, and was made an argument for 
his removal. Singularly enough, the capture of Ticonderoga 
instead of helping the British was a large factor in the defeat 
of Burgoyne. 

"While Gates was at Ticonderoga he did nothing toward 
putting the place in a condition for defense, though he knew 
that a movement against it was threatened. He could not 
help but know its weakness, yet he went about the country 
declaring it to be impregnable, thus creating expectations on 
the part of the people that he must have known could not be 
realized. One cannot help wondering if this were not a part 
of a studied plan to discredit Schuyler. 

On the 20th of June, Schuyler inspected the forts at Ti- 
conderoga and found a wretched condition of affairs. The 
clothing of the troops was nearly worn out ; there were only 
a few hundred bayonets, and the supply of military supplies 
of all kinds was very low. The number of troops was wholly 
inadequate to properly defend the post. Schuyler went to 
Albany to hasten the sending of reinforcements. On the first 
of July he wrote to Colonel Varick saying : * ' The insufficiency 
of the garrison at Ticonderoga, the imperfect state of the 
fortifications, and the want of discipline in the troops give 
me great cause to apprehend that we shall lose that fortress, ' ' 

245 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

With the British in possession of Mount Defiance the 
Americans must choose between flight and surrender and 
decide quickly. The retreat, which was skillfully conducted, 
began at three o'clock on the morning of the 6th. The entire 
garrison crossed the bridge to the Vermont shore. Fort Inde- 
pendence was evacuated but, just as the last of the troops 
left the fort, General De Fermoy, who commanded the forces 
on Mount Independence, set fire to the house that he had occu- 
pied, though that was contrary to very strict orders that had 
been given. It was a most unfortunate occurrence. The light 
of the blazing building quickly caught the eyes of the British 
who were soon in hot pursuit of their fleeing foes. They 
reached Skenesborough (Whitehall) only two hours later than 
the Americans — soon enough to capture and destroy mills, 
storehouses and a great quantity of supplies. 

At the very moment that the Americans were landing at 
Skenesborough, three British regiments were disembarking 
at the head of South Bay with the intention of occupying the 
road to Fort Edward. When the British vessels reached 
Skenesborough, Colonel Long marched his battalion to Fort 
Anne, a distance of eleven miles. Colonel Hill and Major 
Forbes followed him with the British regiment and camped 
for the night within three miles of Fort Anne. General 
Schuyler promptly sent reinforcements to the fort and early 
on the morning of the 7th Colonel Long attacked the British 
and would have defeated them but for the timely arrival of 
reinforcements from Burgoyne. Colonel Long then burned 
the fort and retreated to Fort Edward. 

St. Clair reached Hubbardton early in the afternoon of 
the 6th. Leaving Warner with one hundred and fifty men 
to collect stragglers he went on to Castleton. Colonel Francis 
soon joined Warner, bringing their combined force up to 
thirteen hundred men. They resolved to wait for the enemy 
and give them battle there. As soon as General Eraser ap- 
peared, a sharp skirmish took place. Colonel Hale, with 
about four hundred poorly disciplined men, fled in the direc- 
tion of Castleton, leaving Francis and Warner with nine hun- 

246 



BURGOYNE'S INVASION 

dred men to meet Fraser, who had about the same number. 
The action that took place was a spirited one and the out- 
come was doubtful till Riedesel appeared with fresh troops, 
when the Americans gave way, some going to Rutland, and 
others over the mountains to Pittsford. The American loss 
in the action was less than that of the British, but the later 
capture of Hale's regiment during its retreat made the total 
loss of the Americans exceed that of the British. 

"When St. Clair learned of the capture of Skenesborough, 
he left Castleton, found some of Warner's men at Rutland, 
and retreated, by the way of Manchester and the Battenkill, 
to the Hudson, and joined Schuyler at Fort Edward. St. 
Clair was tried by a court-martial for the surrender of Ticon- 
deroga but was unanimously acquitted of all blame. The 
surrender of the fort also led to a court of inquiry as to the 
conduct of Schuyler in the matter of the loss of Ticonderoga, 
which resulted in a report saying that "Major-General Philip 
Schuyler was not guilty of neglect of duty and is acquitted 
with the highest honor. ' ' Burgoyne established his headquar- 
ters at Skenesborough and waited to perfect the organizations 
of his army for a further advance. 

Philip Schuyler was the most distinguished member of 
one of the most distinguished families of New York. He had 
had a long and varied service in the French and Indian wars, 
performing all the duties assigned him with marked ability. 
He acted for the state of New York in settling the boundary 
troubles between New York on the one hand and New Hamp- 
shire and Massachusetts on the other, and, in the perform- 
ance of that duty, incurred the hostility of New England, 
In this connection the following is of interest. Daniel Web- 
ster once said to a grandson of Philip Schuyler: "When a 
life of your grandfather is to be published I should like to 
write a preface. I was brought up with New England preju- 
dices against him, but I consider him second only to Wash- 
ington in the services he rendered to the country in the war 
of the Revolution. His zeal and devotion to the cause, under 
difficulties which would have paralyzed the efforts of most 

247 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY J 

men, his fortitude and courage when assailed by malicious 
attacks upon his private and public character, every one of 
which was proved to be false, have impressed me with a strong 
desire to express publicly my sense of his great qualities." 
Chief Justice Kent, in writing of Schuyler, said : "In acute- 
ness of intellect, profound thought, indefatigable activity, 
exhaustless energy, pure patriotism, and persevering and in- 
trepid public efforts, he had no superior." 

The historian Fiske, a New Englander, says of Schuyler: 

His family was one of the most disting^uished in New York, and 
an inherited zeal for the public service thrilled eveiy drop of his 
blood. No more upright or disinterested man could be found in 
America, and for bravery and generosity he was like the paladin of 
some medieval romance. In spite of these fine qualities he was bit- 
terly hated by the New England men, who formed a considerable 
portion of his army. Besides the general stupid dislike which the 
people of New York and New England then felt for each other, 
echoes of which are still sometimes heard nowadays, there was a 
special reason for the odium which was heaped upon Schuyler. The 
dispute over the possession of Yermont had now raged fiercely for 
thirteen years and Schuyler, as a member of the New York Legisla- 
ture, had naturally been zealous in urging the claims of his own 
state. For this crime the men of New England were never able to 
forgive him, and he was pursued with vindictive hatred until his 
career as a general was ruined. His ordex'S were obeyed with sullen- 
ness, the worst interjDretation was put upon every one of his acts, 
and evil-minded busybodies were continually pouring into the ears of 
Congress a stream of tattle, which gradually wore out their trust in 
him. 

Having obtained as clear an idea as may be of the person- 
alities concerned, let us resume the consideration of the cam- 
paign. On the 10th of July, Schujder began a systematic 
effort to obtain all the livestock and supplies in the territory 
threatened by Burgoyne and to make the route from Skenes- 
borough to Fort Edward as nearly impassable as possible. 
The country was a labyrinth of swamps and small creeks. 
The latter were choked with fallen trees so as to overflow the 

248 



i 



BURGOYNE'S INVASION 

adjoining country. Wood Creek, which was navigable for 
batteaux as far as Fort Anne, was filled with great trees 
felled so as to lie at every possible angle. The various streams 




MAP 

OF 

NEW YORK 
VERMONT 

AND 

\VESTERN MASSACHUSETTS 



were dammed to overflow the country. The roads, poor at 
best, were rendered impassable by fallen trees hopelessly inter- 
tangled. All bridges were destroyed. 

In making his way from Skenesborough to Fort Edward, 
Burgoyne was compelled to build many bridges and lay miles 

249 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

of corduroy road — road that in some instances had to be ele- 
vated on supports in order to prevent heavy loads sinking in 
the mud. This made his progress painfully slow. He was 
twenty-four days in going twenty-six miles. 

Before Burgoyne left England, it was agreed that he 
should go to the Hudson River by the way of Lake George, 
and that the South Bay and Skenesborough route should be 
avoided on all accounts, but he seemingly planned to drive 
himself to take the route which had been declared undesir- 
able. He made it impossible for the Americans to retreat by 
the way of Lake George and left the Lake Champlain route 
open to them, and when the British occupation of Mount 
Defiance made their retreat necessary, they took the only 
route that was open to them and Burgoyne followed. When 
he reached Skenesborough he was so near the Hudson River 
that he was unwilling to return to Ticonderoga and take the 
Lake George route. This was probably a fatal error on his 
part. It has been suspected that Major Philip Skene, whose 
home was at Skenesborough, was interested in having Bur- 
goyne open a good road to Fort Edward, and that he per- 
suaded him that in following that route he would attract a 
large number of Loyalists to his standard. 

Whatever his reason may have been, Burgoyne chose the 
way that delayed him so long that the Americans had time to 
somewhat recover from the fright and despondency into 
which they were thrown by the loss of Ticonderoga. 

On the 10th of July Burgoyne issued a general order in 
which he said : "The rebels evacuated Ticonderoga on the 6th, 
having been forced into the matter by the presence of our 
army. On this side of the lake they ran as far as Skenes- 
borough, on the other as far as Hubbardton. They left behind 
all their artillery, provisions and baggage." He summoned 
the people of certain named townships to return to their 
allegiance, making ' ' Colonel Skene ' ' the representative of the 
Crown in their behalf and fixing the 15th of the month as the 
date of such submission "under penalty of military execution 
on failure to pay obedience to such order." 

250 



I 



BURGOYNE'S INVASION 

On the 13th Schuyler issued a proclamation in reply to 
Burgoyne's utterance, in which he declared, "all to be trai- 
tors who should in any way assist, give comfort to, or hold 
correspondence with, or take protection from the enemy ' ' and 
commanded "all officers, civil and military, to apprehend, or 
cause to be apprehended, such offenders." He closed with 
the demand that "the militia of the townships to which Gen- 
eral Burgoyne's circular was addressed, who had not marched, 
should do so without delay, and join his army, or some detach- 
ment thereof." 

When Burgoyne approached Fort Edward, Schuyler with- 
drew to Moses' Creek, four miles south of Fort Edward, At 
this time he wrote that "he believed the enemy would not see 
Albany this campaign. ' ' He has been criticized for abandon- 
ing Fort Edward, but it was unavoidable. The fort was not 
a strong one, and was commanded by higher ground. Then, 
too, his force was not half that of Burgoyne 's. A week later, 
on the advice of his officers, he fell back to Fort Miller, six 
miles to the south, then to Saratoga (Schuylerville), later to 
Stillwater, and finally to the mouth of the IMohawk that he 
might be in position to face Burgoyne coming down the Hud- 
son, or St. Leger coming down the Mohawk. On the 25th of 
July he wrote the Committee at Albany that they should not 
be alarmed at the progress of Burgoyne, and said that in case 
he came as far as Half ]\Ioon he would run into great danger, 
and that in all probability his whole army would be destroyed. 
Washington also was hopeful and wrote Schuyler on the 22d 
of July, saying: 



Though our affairs have for some days worn a dark and gloomy 
aspect, yet I look forward to a fortunate and happy change. I trust 
General Burgoyne's army will meet sooner or later an important 
cheek, and as I have suggested before, that the success he has had 
will prove his ruin. From your accounts he appears to be pursuing 
that line of conduct which of all others is most favorable to us; I 
mean acting in detachments. This conduct will certainly give room 
for enterprise on our part, and expose his parties to great hazard. 

251 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Could we be so happy as to cut one of them off, though it should 
not exceed four, five or six hundred men, it would inspirit the people 
and do away with much of this present anxiety. In such an event 
they would lose sight of past misfortune, and, urged at the same 
time by a regard for their own security, they would fly to arms and 
afford every aid in their power. 

"As Schuyler retired before Burgoyne he left neither hoof 
nor blade of corn." When Burgoyne approached Fort Ed- 
ward, two Massachusetts regiments deserted in a body, leaving 
Schuyler with barely four thousand poorly equipped and 
scantily clothed men to compete with twice that number of 
the best troops in the world, who were equipped as perfectly 
as the knowledge of that time made possible. 

The Expedition of St. Leger. — When Burgoyne began his 
march for Albany by the way of the lakes and the Hudson 
River, Colonel Barry St. Leger went to Oswego by the way 
of the St. Lawrence River and Lake Ontario. From that 
place he went to the headw^aters of the Mohawk by the way 
of the Oswego River and Oneida Lake. On the carry between 
Wood Creek and the Mohawk was Fort Stanwix, situated 
where the city of Rome is now. 

Perhaps the Loyalists were more numerous in the Mohawk 
Valley than in any other part of the country. This was 
probably due to the influence of Sir William Johnson who 
brought over a large number of Scotch Highlanders and 
Irish. They were much attached to Johnson and very natur- 
ally followed the political fortunes of his son. Nearly all 
the retainers and close associates of Johnson were Tories. On 
the other hand, the Palatines were almost without exception 
Patriots. It was believed by the British that St. Leger 's 
appearance in the valley would be the signal to cause all the 
Tories to rise and join him on a triumphal march to 
Albany. 

Fort Stanwix, which was renamed Fort Schuyler in 1777, 
was built by General Stanwix in 1758. In 1777, when Colonel 
Gansevoort with the third New York regiment was sent to 

252 



I 



BURGOYNE'S INVASION 

occupy it, because of the rumors of an invasion of the valley, 
it was badly out of repair. Gansevoort had not been able to 
put it in perfect condition before the appearance of St. Leger, 
but it had been made sufficiently strong to resist his attack. 
The force of St. Leger has been variously estimated from 
six hundred to two thousand. The most common estimate is 
seventeen hundred, the majority being Indians. 

Colonel Peter Gansevoort, a native of Albany, was at this 
time twenty-eight years old. He won his rank when in Canada 
with Montgomery. With him was Lieutenant-Colonel Willett 
of New York, thirty-seven years of age. He had served in 
the French and Indian wars and was present at the building 
of Fort Stanwix. The garrison was made up of seven hundred 
and fifty men — two hundred from Massachusetts and the 
remainder from New York. Gansevoort was short of ammuni- 
tion and had only provisions enough to last six weeks. 

The British appeared before Fort Schuyler on the 2d of 
August. By the 4th it was completely invested. St. Leger 
was assisted by Sir John Johnson ; John Butler, the father of 
the notorious Walter Butler ; Colonel Daniel Claus, the son-in- 
law of Sir William Johnson ; and Joseph Brant, the ablest 
leader of the Six Nations. 

St. Leger left Montreal on the 19th of July and made 
a rapid and eventless advance, not losing a man. He felt 
sure the fort would "fall without a shot" and on the 5th of 
August wrote Burgoyne that it would soon be his. He ex- 
pected the Loyalists of the valley would rise to his support 
and was greatly surprised when he learned that the settlers 
were aroused and marching to the relief of Fort Schuyler, 

When it was known that St. Leger was on his way, General 
Nicholas Herkimer issued a proclamation calling every able- 
bodied man between the ages of sixteen and sixty to report 
at Fort Dayton for duty. About eight hundred responded. 
The great majority of these were Germans though among 
the number were English, Scotch, Irish, Welsh and French. 
Four regiments were represented. The one from the district 
of Canajoharie was commanded by Colonel Ebenezer Cox, 

253 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

that from Palatine by Colonel Jacob Klock, the Mohawk regi- 
ment was under Colonel Frederick Visscher, and the fourth 
■ — from German Flatts and Kingsland — was connnanded by 
Colonel Peter Bellinger. 

Herkimer's little army marched to Utica on the 4th of 
August and, on the 5th, reached Whitestown where they 
were joined by a party of Oneidas. Here Herkimer purposed 
to remain till he heard from the three scouts he had sent to 
Gansevoort. As soon as the scouts reached the fort, Ganse- 
voort was to fire three cannon in quick succession as a signal. 
Then he was to make such demonstrations as would hold the 
enemy and prevent St. Leger from sending a force against 
Herkimer; who was to march to the fort, cooperate with 
Gansevoort and attack the enemy in front and rear at the 
same time. It was thought that this plan would be success- 
ful. The messengers were sent on the 5th and were expected 
to reach the fort before daylight the next morning, but they 
were delayed till eleven o'clock in the forenoon, so, of course, 
no signals were heard. The morning wore away and Herki- 
mer's men grew anxious. Their relatives and neighbors were 
at the fort and they were anxious to march to their aid. 
Some thought that the scouts had not been able to reach the 
fort, others thought that the signal guns had been fired but 
not heard owing to the distance. They demanded to be led 
on, saying that delay might cause the loss of the fort and 
that then St. Leger would be free to turn his whole force 
against them. Herkimer was a man of mature years and 
a trained Indian fighter. He knew that it would be 
madness to attack St. Leger — who had a force twice as 
great as his own, made up of trained soldiers and the picked 
warriors of the Six Nations under the command of their 
most skillful leader — and pleaded for delay hoping for the 
signal; but the cry of "Lead us on!" was as insistent as 
that of "On to Richmond!" more than three-quarters of a 
century later. To Herkimer's plea for delay. Colonels Cox 
and Paris, the latter a member of the Committee of Safety, 
retorted angrily that they "came to fight, not to see others 

254 



BURGOYNE'S INVASION 

fight," and finally accused Herkimer of being a Tory and a 
coward. In reply Herkimer said : ' ' Those who want to fight 
so badly now will be the first to run when they smell burnt 
powder." And so it proved. In response to a further appeal 
for delay, some of the young officers declared that Herkimer 
was too old to be of use ; that he lacked fidelity to the cause 
and was a coward. Thoroughly enraged, Herkimer gave the 
order to march. This was two hours before his scouts reached 
the fort. 

When St. Leger learned of the movement of Herkimer he 
sent Brant to intercept him. The force included all the 
Indians and a detachment of Johnson's Greens. The whole 
management was left to Brant and he was able to choose his 
own ground for the fight as Herkimer's men came on reck- 
lessly, sending on no scouts in advance — a most unaccount- 
able thing when it is remembered that nearly all the men of 
the valley had had experience in fighting Indians, and they 
knew that St. Leger 's force was largely composed of savages 
whose favorite method was to surprise their foes or lead them 
into an ambush. 

As the advance of Herkimer's little army was ascending 
the steep slope of a ravine two miles west of Oriskany, the 
attack was made — a little prematurely as the rear had not 
yet entered the trap prepared for them. This part of the 
force, which was commanded by Colonel Visscher, fled from 
the field as Herkimer had said would be the case and their 
Colonel, who a short time before had joined the others in 
denouncing Herkimer as a coward, lea the headlong flight. 

The force with Herkimer was completely surrounded and 
received the fire of the enemy from every quarter. The 
conflict was little else than a slaughter. The men arranged 
themselves in a constantly narrowing circle and fought with 
a desperate courage that has seldom been equaled. Early in 
the fight, Herkimer had his horse killed under him and his 
own leg was shattered by a bullet. He had his saddle removed 
and placed at the foot of a large beech tree where he sat and 
palmly smoked his pipe while he directed the fight. When 

255 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

urged to retire to a less exposed place, he said : "I will face 
the enemy." 

The men sheltered themselves as best they could behind 
trees and other objects. When one of them fired his musket 
an Indian would rush out and tomahawk him before he could 
reload his piece. Thus the slaughter went on till the sudden 
outbreak of a violent thunderstorm which put an end to 
hostilities for an hour. At this time came the belated signal 
from the fort. When the storm was over and the struggle 
began anew, the advantage was with the Americans. Herki- 
mer had noticed the tactics of the Indians and, in the interval 
of rest, had stationed his men in pairs so that when one of 
them fired and an Indian rushed out as before he was shot 
by the second man. The Indians now suffered severely. 

After the storm Johnson's Royal Greens, disguised as 
Patriots, nearly worked the destruction of Herkimer's men. 
As they approached, they were thought to be a party from the 
fort marching out to the attack as had been arranged and 
it was not until they were close upon the Patriots that Captain 
Gardinier recognized one of them as a Tory acquaintance 
and shouted a word of warning. Then occurred the bitterest 
fight of the day. Perhaps a more desperate fight was never 
known — certainly there could have been none in which any 
more bitter hatred was manifested. At the close there were 
at least several cases of two men locked in close embrace, both 
dead, with evidences of such a struggle as wild beasts might 
have engaged in. It was an awful spectacle. During the 
battle in which nearly the whole of St. Leger's force was en- 
gaged, a sortie was made from the fort. Two hundred and fifty 
men marched to the enemy 's camp but met with no resistance. 
The surprise was so complete that Sir John Johnson fled 
without having time to put on his coat. Gansevoort captured 
twenty-one wagon loads of supplies together with the private 
property of the British officers, including papers, plans and 
journals. 

The loss at the Battle of Oriskany will probably never be 
very accurately known. It probably exceeded five hundred — 

256 




Oriskany Monument 



i 



BURGOYNE'S INVASION 



more than a third of the entire number engaged. Without 
doubt it was the bloodiest battle of the Revolution. Only 
about one-third of Herkimer's men ever saw their homes 
again, and every home in the valley was a house of mourning. 
The heaviest loss of the enemy was among the Indians, the 
Senecas suffering severely. They never forgot the Battle of 
Oriskany. Herkimer died at his home a few days after the 
battle, as the result of an unskillful operation followed by 
improper treatment. 

The survivors of Herkimer's army returned to Fort Day- 
ton. St. Leger continued the siege of the fort but his cannon 
were not heavy enough to have any effect upon the works. 
He summoned the garrison to surrender, saying that Burgoyne 
had been victorious and that further resistance would be 
useless and would result in a massacre at the hands of the 
Indians. He said through his messengers to Gansevoort that 
this offer could not be renewed and that he had hard work 
now to restrain the savages who were eager to march down 
the country and destroy the inhabitants. The summons was 
refused and, in reply. Colonel Willett speaking for Ganse- 
voort, said: ''Do I understand you, sir? I think you came 
from a British colonel who is commander of the army that 
invests this fort and, by your uniform, you appear to be an 
officer in the British service. You have made a long speech 
on the occasion of your visit which, stripped of its super- 
fluities, amounts to this — that you come from a British colonel 
to the commandant of this garrison to tell him that if he 
does not deliver up the garrison into the hands of your 
colonel, he will send his Indians to murder our women and 
children. You will please to reflect, sir, that their blood will 
be upon your heads, not upon ours. We are doing our duty ; 
this garrison is committed to our charge and we will take 
care of it. After you get out of it, you may turn around 
and look at its outside, but never expect to come in again, 
unless you come as a prisoner. I consider the message you 
have brought a degrading one for a British officer to send, and 
by no means reputable for a British officer to carry. For my 

257 



NEW YORK'S TART IN HISTORY 

own part, I declare, before I would consent to deliver this 
garrison to such a murdering set as your army, by your own 
account, consists of, I would suffer my body to be filled with 
splinters and set on fire, as you know has at times been prac- 
ticed by such hordes of women and children killers as belong 
to your army." The defenders of the fort well knew that 
if they surrendered, the scenes of the Fort William Henry 
massacre would be repeated as the force of St. Leger con- 
sisted mainly of Indians and Tories, and he could not restrain 
them if he would. Proof of this is found in the treatment 
of his own men by the savages when the retreat took place. 

Failing to induce the garrison to surrender, Johnson, 
Glaus, and Butler issued an address to the people of Tryon 
County urging them to submit, saying that they were sur- 
rounded by "victorious armies." 

Colonel Willett and IMajor Stockwell left the fort and 
carried to General Schuyler a report of the condition of affairs 
in the valley. He called a council of his officers and recom- 
mended sending Gansevoort reinforcements sufficient to raise 
the siege. This was unanimously opposed on the ground that 
it would w^eaken the army defending Albany, the more im- 
portant position, but the more far-seeing Schuyler persisted 
in his opinion and endeavored to bring the others to see 
the matter as he did. During the discussion he heard the 
half- whispered remark, "He means to weaken the army." 
Suddenly turning and facing the slanderer he exclaimed 
indignantly : * ' Gentlemen, I shall take the responsibility 
upon myself; where is the brigadier that will take command 
of the relief? I shall beat up for volunteers tomorrow." 
Arnold immediately volunteered. He reached Fort Dayton 
on the 20th of August. Not feeling himself strong enough 
to attack St. Leger he resorted to artifice. He took pains to 
have reports circulated that he was on his way to Fort 
Schuyler with an immense force. The Indians under St. 
Leger were weary of the campaign. They had suffered 
severely and not much was necessary to cause them to turn 
toward their homes. These reports made them very restless 

258 



BURGOYNE'S INVASION 

and St. Leger and Johnson had all that they could do to 
keep them from deserting. 

A number of Tories had been captured before the coming 
of Arnold, among the number one Hon Yost Schuyler, not 
quite fuU-witted and yet possessed of a certain kind of 
cunning. Arnold sentenced him to be executed as a spy. 
His mother begged for the life of her son and Arnold agreed 
to set him free if he would go to the camp of St. Leger and 
report that Arnold was near at hand with a powerful army. 
His brother was held as a hostage and a friendly Oneida 
accompanied Hon Yost to see that he fulfilled his promise. 
Several holes were shot through his clothing. Many of the 
Indians knew him personally and when he ran into their 
presence out of breath and terribly frightened, saying that 
the Americans were coming in great numbers, the Indians 
were greatly disturbed. The chiefs held a council and 
resolved upon immediate flight and so reported to St. Leger 
who sent for Hon Yost and questioned him. He declared that 
Arnold had two thousand men. At this moment the friendly 
Oneida appeared from another direction accompanied by two 
or three members of the tribe. They reported that the valley 
below was swarming with men. One said Arnold had three 
thousand and that the army of Burgoyne had been cut to 
pieces. The Indians were now thoroughly alarmed and 
neither bribes, promises, nor threats could induce them to 
remain longer. The Indians fled, the panic spread to St. 
Leger 's men and soon the whole army was flying in terror 
to their boats on Oneida Lake. The Indians butchered their 
prisoners and such of the British soldiers as were unable 
to keep up with the retreating column or straggled from it. 
St. Leger said they ' ' became more formidable than the enemy 
they had to expect." 

The victory at Oriskany not only prevented St. Leger 
from cooperating with Burgoyne, but it also prevented a 
Tory uprising in the Mohawk Valley and the complete union 
of all the Six Nations against the Americans. Had Herkimer 
been defeated at Oriskany, and Gansevoort compelled to 

259 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

surrender Fort Schuyler, the valley would have been filled 
with Tories who would have joined St. Leger in a march 
to Albany. Gates would probably have been defeated at 
Saratoga and Burgoyne would have ended his march at 
Albany in triumph. Apparently the fate of the country 
was in the balance at Oriskany and the outcome there 
was determined, first, by the bravery of the Germans under 
Herkimer and, second, by Schuyler, who in the face of 
opposition of his officers sent Arnold to the relief of Ganse- 
voort. 

An interesting event in the defense of Fort Schuyler is 
the fact that there was the place where the American flag 
was first displayed in the presence of a foe. It was a rude 
affair — the white came from a shirt, the blue from an old 
jacket, and the red from a woman's petticoat. 

Burgoyne's Troubles. — Burgoyne reached Fort Edward on 
the 22d of July and Schuyler retired before him. Colonel 
"Warner was at Manchester recruiting his forces and watch- 
ing for an opportunity to attack Burgoyne in the rear or 
cut his line of communication. 

After vainly imploring Carleton to send troops from 
Canada to garrison Ticonderoga, Burgoyne withdrew his 
forces from Castleton and Skenesborough, leaving the Lake 
George route as his only line of communication with the 
north. 

On the 27th of August, Jane McCrea was murdered by 
some Indians in Burgoyne's command. This was no more 
important in itself than any one of the countless outrages 
of the savages, but in its consequences it was a very important 
matter. It seemed to mark the turn of the tide in the for- 
tunes of Burgoyne. For the first twelve days, his campaign 
was a triumphant march, then came the victory at Ticonderoga 
and the scattering of the forces of St. Clair; after this the 
slow and labored march to Fort Edward, from which he 
drove the weak and despondent forces of Schuyler. The 
way to Albany seemed open with no indication of any effective 
opposition. Then when the food problem began to be serious, 

260 



BURGOYNE'S INVASION 

and the necessity of getting supplies grew pressing, came this 
shameful murder. 

There are many versions of this story, hardly any two 
agreeing in all particulars, but all in accord so far as to 
attribute the death of ]\liss McCrea to the Indians of Bur- 
goyne's command. The fact that she was engaged to be 
married to one of the Loyalist officers with Burgoyne seemed 
an aggravation of the offense in showing that no one was 
safe from the bloodthirsty savages whom the British had 
employed. The pompous proclamation that Burgoyne issued 
when he was at Crown Point was now remembered against 
him. In it he said : "I have but to give stretch to the Indian 
forces under my direction, and they amount to thousands, to 
overtake the hardened enemies of Great Britain and America. 
I consider them the same wherever they may lurk. ' ' 

The feeling aroused at this time had not been equaled 
since Concord and Lexington. The story of the murder was 
told at every little gathering of the people, almost at every 
fireside, throughout Vermont, northern New York and western 
Massachusetts with all the harrowing details and the magni- 
fied accounts that would naturally be developed on such an 
occasion. Even Burke, in the House of Commons, made use 
of the story, showing how far it spread. 

Among the first acts of Gates when he took command 
of the Northern Army was to write a letter to Burgoyne in 
which he said: "The miserable fate of Miss McCrea was pecu- 
liarly aggravated by her being dressed to receive her promised 
husband but met her murderer employed hy you. Upward 
of one hundred men, women and children have perished by 
the hands of ruffians to whom it is asserted you have paid the 
price of blood." Gates was not altogether correct in his 
statements, but it is fair to suppose that he thought he was, 
and it is probably true that his words reflected pretty cor- 
rectly the feelings of the time. 

In replying to Gates, Burgoyne said: "I would not be 
conscious of the acts you presume to impute to me for the 
whole continent of America, though the wealth of the world 

261 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

was in its bowels and a paradise upon its surface." Every- 
thing goes to show that Burgoyne was a humane man and, at 
this late day, when the matter can be looked at dispassion- 
ately, one cannot easily believe that Burgoyne would know- 
ingly have tolerated any such acts as were imputed to him. 
This is shown by his address to the Indians at Bouquet River 
and by the order issued after the murder of Miss McCrea, 
forbidding any party of Indians to go out on a marauding 
expedition except under the lead of a British officer — an act 
that cost him the support of his whole Indian force. 

On the first of August the general condition of affairs was 
as follows: Burgoyne knew that St. Leger had reached 
Oswego but had had no later news from him. His efforts to 
organize a battalion of New England Loyalists made slow 
progress. Nearly all his Indian allies had deserted him. 
Lincoln was active in New England trying to raise a force 
for the capture of Ticonderoga. It began to dawn upon 
Burgoyne that the mere feeding of his army was likely to 
prove a serious task. He had found that he could not secure 
enough supplies from the country through which he was 
passing to be of material assistance. It grew to be a more 
and more difficult task to keep his line of communication 
open. While Burgoyne was experiencing these serious 
troubles, the Americans were not strong enough to take the 
fullest advantage of them. Both armies waited anxiously 
to hear from Howe. 

Battle of Bennington. — Burgoyne said: "It was soon 
found that in the situation of the transport service at that 
time, the army could barely be victualed from day to day, 
and that there was no prospect of establishing a magazine 
in due time for pursuing present advantages. The idea of 
expedition to Bennington originated upon this difficulty, com- 
bined with the intelligence reported by General Riedesel, and 
with all that I had otherwise received. I knew that Benning- 
ton was the great deposit of corn, flour, and store cattle; 
that it was only guarded by militia and every day's account 
tended to confirm the persuasion of the loyalty of one descrip- 

262 



BURGOYNE'S INVASION 

tion of inhabitants and the panic of the other. Those who 
knew the country best were the most sanguine in this per- 
suasion. The German troops employed were the best I had 
of that nation. The number of British was small but it was 
the select light corps of the army, composed of chosen men 
from all the regiments, and commanded by Captain Fraser, 
one of the most distinguished officers in his line of service 
that I ever met with." 

Vermont was thoroughly aroused. Bennington had been 
selected as a center for the accumulation of supplies. Hun- 
dreds of horses and ample stores of food and ammunition had 
been gathered there. Learning of this and believing that 
there were numerous Loyalists in that section who would rise 
as soon as a British force appeared, Burgoyne dispatched 
Colonel Baum with five hundred of Riedesel's men and one 
hundred Indians to that place. So confident was Burgoyne 
of the loyalty of a large number of the inhabitants and 
their desire to aid the cause of the King, that he sent out a 
skeleton regiment fully officered expecting it to be readily 
filled by the Loyalists of Vermont, but the Loyalists of his 
imagination did not materialize. Burgoyne seems to have 
reached his conclusions in this matter by reason of the repre- 
sentations of Major Skene, a staunch Loyalist who had lived 
for years in that section and was supposed to be familiar 
with the facts. 

The expedition started on the 13th of August and Baum 
reached Cambridge that afternoon and had a skirmish with 
thirty or forty of the Americans stationed there to guard 
the cattle that had been gathered at that point. They re- 
ported that there were eighteen hundred militia at Benning- 
ton. Baum wrote Burgoyne from Cambridge and closed his 
letters as follows: 

Your Excellency may depend upon hearing how I proceed at 
Bennington and of my success there. I will be particularly careful 
on my approach to that place to be fully informed of their strength 
and position, and take the precautions necessaiy to fulfill both the 
orders and the instructions of your Excellency. 

263 



i 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY ^| 

On the evening of the 14th Burgoyne wrote Baum saying : 

Should you find the enemy too strongly posted at Bennington, I 
wish you to take a post where you can maintain yourself till you 
receive an answer from me, and I will either support you in force 
or withdraw you. 

The same day Baum reported that he had had a skirmish 
at Van Schaiek's Mills and captured some supplies, and taken 
a few prisoners who reported that there were from fifteen 
hundred to eighteen hundred militia at Bennington who, it 
was supposed, would leave on his approach. 

When Burgoyne learned that the enemy knew of the move 
ment of Baum and that they were much stronger than had 
been supposed, he promptly sent Colonel Breyman with five 
hundred troops for the support of Baum. Breyman was very 
unfortunate and possibly not very energetic, as he was about 
twenty-four hours in making that number of miles. A heavy 
rain set in and made the roads bad and the progress very 
slow. His cannon had to be hauled up the hills one at a time. 
One artillery cart was overturned and a tumbril was broken 
up and its ammunition lost. A guide lost his way and led 
the force out of the direct route. These unfortunate events 
so delayed Breyman that at nightfall he was seven miles 
from Cambridge. Lieutenant Hanneman was sent to Baum , 
to report the coming of reinforcements. I 

Colonel John Stark. — At this time Stark was a private 
citizen. He had served with distinction during the French 
and Indian wars, was with Abercrombie at Ticonderoga and 
belonged to Roger 's Rangers. He was at the battles of Bunker 
Hill, Trenton and Princeton. When the army went into 
winter quarters after the last-named battles, Stark went to 
New Hampshire on a recruiting expedition and raised a 
considerable force. While upon this duty, several of his 
juniors were appointed over him and he so much resented it 
that he resigned from the army but, when there was a 
threatened invasion of his state, he raised a force for its 

264 



BURGOYNE'S INVASION 

defense but insisted that he was serving his state only and 
would not recognize the authority of the Continental officers. 
When he learned of the threatened attack on Bennington by 
Baum, he gathered his forces there and sent a messenger 
to General Lincoln at Manchester asking him to send Colonel 
Seth Warner with his rcr;iraent to aid in the defense of that 
place. This was done, and the men marched all night in a 
drenching rain. 

The storm which delayed Breyman also prevented any 
hostilities at Bennington beyond a little skirmishing. During 
the day Colonel Symonds arrived with a detachment of the 
Berkshire militia, bringing the force of Stark up to at least 
two thousand. The fight took place on the 16th. Baum had 
taken a position on rising ground back of a small, easily 
fordable stream known as the Walloomsac Eiver, a branch 
of the Hoosick. This was on the soil of New York. As a 
matter of fact, not a shot was fired on the soil of Vermont 
during the Battle of Bennington. 

During the forenoon the Americans gathered on the 
flanks of Baum and in his rear. They went in little groups 
of half a dozen at a time, clad in rustic blue frocks, and 
Baum never suspected them to be soldiers, but he was cruelly 
undeceived when the fight began about three o'clock in the 
afternoon. While Stark with five hundred men forded the 
stream in front of Baum, the latter was suddenly attacked 
on both flanks and in the rear. He was assailed at once on 
all sides. The Indians fled to the woods at the first onset. 
The Germans fought desperately but hopelessly. The battle 
was soon over. Baum was mortally wounded and his entire 
force captured. While the Americans were scattered over 
the field collecting trophies and securing plunder, Breyman 
suddenly appeared. Stark attempted to collect his scattered 
militia but it was not easily done and, for a time, the fortunes 
of the day were in doubt but Warner, who had stopped at 
Bennington to rest his men and dry their accouterments, 
appeared at this time and Breyman was checked. A stubborn 
fight followed, lasting till dark. The ammunition for the 

265 



k 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

British artillery was exhausted and the fight was ended. 
Breyman and sixty or seventy of his men, escaped and found 
their way back to Burgoyne. The British force was practic- 
ally annihilated. Two hundred and seven were killed or 
wounded and seven hundred taken prisoners. The American 
loss was fourteen killed and forty-two wounded. An interest- 
ing story is told of Stark. Just before making the attack he 
said to his men : ' ' See there, men ! There are the red-coats ! 
Before night they are ours, or Molly Stark will be a widow." 

The thing hoped for by Washington had happened and 
the consequences were as he had anticipated. The victory 
at Bennington, following the Battle of Oriskany and the dis- 
persion of the forces of St. Leger, greatly cheered the Ameri- 
cans and they began to hope that they might deal with the 
whole army of Burgoyne, as they had done with the smaller 
forces at Oriskany and Bennington. Reinforcements began 
to pour in to Schuyler at Stillwater and to Lincoln at Man- 
chester. 

On the 14th of August, Burgoyne broke camp at Fort 
Edward and began his march toward Albany expecting to 
be joined by Baum and St. Leger. On the 17th he learned 
of Baum's disaster and for the first time began to fully 
appreciate how serious his position was. As late as the 
20th he had not heard of the rout of St. Leger, as on that 
day he wrote Lord Germain saying that notwithstanding St. 
Leger 's victory over Herkimer the fort at the carry still 
held out and he feared the expectations of Sir John Johnson 
as to the rising of the country would not be realized. He 
stated that there was no doubt that the great bulk of the 
population was with Congress in principle and said : 
"Wherever the King's forces point, militia to the amount of 
three or four thousand assemble in twenty-four hours, and 
bring their subsistence with them, and the alarm over, they 
return to their farms. The Hampshire Grants in particular, 
a country unpeopled and almost unknown in the last war, 
now abounds in the most active and rebellious men of the 
continent, and hang like a gathering storm on my left." 

266 




Philip Schuyler 



BURGOYNE'S INVASION 

G-ates and Schuyler. — Gates and the New Englanders 
made every possible effort to discredit Schuyler. Their ani- 
mosity toward him was so great that they were willing to 
risk the welfare of the nation and the success of the Revolu- 
tion in order to get rid of him. In the discussion in Congress 
that preceded the superseding of Schuyler by Gates it was 
said by those who favored such action that the militia of New 
England would not turn out while Schuyler was in command, 
and it is a fair inference that they did not wish them to 
do so. 

Schuyler was removed on the first of August and Wash- 
ington was asked to name someone for the place. A memorial 
was sent him in the handwriting of Samuel Adams, signed 
by all the New England delegates, requesting him to appoint 
Gates. This he was evidently unwilling to do, as he wrote 
a letter to Congress asking to be excused from appointing a 
commander for the Northern army. On the 5th of August 
Gates was appointed by Congress. The feeling against Schuy- 
ler had become such that the appointment of someone else 
in his place was proper, and perhaps necessary, and, had 
the appointee been an officer of ability and character, it 
would not have created any especial feeling at the time or 
afterward, but the appointment of the man who had spent 
his time for months maligning Schuyler and Washington was 
an insult hard to be borne. Gates bore the part toward 
Schuyler that Lee did toward Washington. He was a weak, 
petty, envious creature. It is perfectly clear now that his 
appointment was a serious blunder — one that might have 
resulted in the ruin of the American prospects and probably 
would have done so had it not been for Morgan and Arnold. 
Speaking of Gates, Fiske says : ' ' His nature was thoroughly 
weak and petty, and he never shrank from falsehood when it 
seemed to serve his purpose." And again: "He never gave 
evidence of either skill or bravery ; and in taking part in the 
war his only solicitude seems to have been for his own 
personal advancement. ' ' 

The circumstances accompanying the change of command- 

267 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

ers brought out clearly the kind of man each was. Schuyler 
performed every duty to the last day as conscientiously and 
efficiently as though he were to be permanently in command. 
On the arrival of Gates he gave the latter all the information 
he had, explained what he had done, what his plans were, 
and offered to serve him in any way in his power — this, when 
he would have been fully justified in turning over his com- 
mand to the officer next in rank and leaving as soon as he 
had notice of his removal. On the other hand, Gates not only 
showed no appreciation of what Schuyler had done and 
offered to do, but treated him contemptuously and, in general, 
conducted himself in a manner in which no gentleman would 
be disposed to do. 

Gates did not arrive at headquarters till the 19th — ^three 
days after the Battle of Bennington and two weeks after the 
fight at Oriskany; not until after the full turn of the tide 
and the final outcome of the campaign was as certain as any 
future event well could be. 

This change in commanders came after the defeat of 
St. Leger, which was due to the courage of Schuyler in send- 
ing Arnold to reinforce Gansevoort against the judgment of 
all his officers. It came after the cheering victory at Ben- 
nington, and when Arnold was hastening back to Fort Schuy- 
ler and the forces were gathering under Lincoln and 
threatening the communications of Burgoyne. It came when 
the skies were bright in every direction, when the long and, 
at times almost hopeless, struggles of Schuyler were about to 
be crowned with victory. For a man to act under such 
circumstances as Schuyler did is convincing evidence of 
greatness. 

Battle of Freemaii's Farm. — Washington sent Morgan with 
his riflemen to Gates to contend with the Indians of Bur- 
goyne 's command. They arrived on the 23d of August. By 
the 8th of September the army had grown to eight thousand 
men and Gates advanced to Stillwater, then a little later to 
Bemis Heights, two and a half miles farther north, where 
defenses were constructed under the direction of Kosciusko. 

268 



BURGOYNE'S INVASION 

Here Gates waited. Waited for Burgoyne to attack him. 
Waited to hear from Lincoln who was attempting to cut off 
Burgoyne 's communications and intercept his supplies. Lin- 
coln was not wholly successful but he made considerable 
trouble, captured three hundred British and Canadians and 
set free one hundred Americans. He also destroyed two hun- 
dred batteaux and several gunboats. 

Burgoyne made heroic efforts to secure supplies and by 
the 12th of September he had accumulated enough for thirty 
days. He then moved against Gates, first marching to the 
mouth of the Battenkill. On the 13th and 14th he crossed the 
Hudson and encamped at the mouth of Fish Creek. There 
was considerable skirmishing on the 18th and the Battle of 
Freeman's Farm took place on the 19th. It was obstinately 
contested on both sides. Arnold with three thousand men 
fought four thousand British. He begged Gates to send him 
two thousand more, saying that he then could crush the 
British center and defeat their army. Subsequent events 
show that he was right but Gates would not consent and 
kept 11,000 men idle at Bemis Heights while the fortunes 
of the army were in the balance. The success of the day was 
wholly Arnold's, yet Gates did not even mention him in his 
dispatches. 

Speaking of the contest, the Earl of Balcarras says : ' ' The 
enemy behaved with great obstinacy and courage." The Earl 
of Harrington says: "The British movement was disputed 
very obstinately by the enemy." How obstinately may be 
gathered from the fact that Captain Jones, who commanded 
a battery of four guns, lost thirty-six of his forty-eight men. 
In this engagement the loss of the Americans was three 
hundred and twenty-one, that of the British about six hun- 
dred. Arnold wished to renew the fight the next day but 
Gates would not consent. Bitter words passed between the 
two men and Arnold demanded a pass for himself and staff, 
allowing him to report to Washington's headquarters. This 
Gates was only too glad to grant. However, after the heat 
of passion had passed, Arnold could not bring himself to 

269 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

leave the scene of danger. All the general officers, except 
Lincoln, and a great many others of all ranks, signed a peti- 
tion entreating Arnold to remain, which he did, though he 
no longer had a command or any authority. 

Four days after the Battle of Freeman's Farm Lincoln 
and his force joined Gates. The latter was short of ammuni- 
tion and had great difficulty in getting a supply for his army. 
Burgoyne lacked artillery, having with him only twenty-six 
of the one hundred and thirty-eight pieces with which he 
started on his campaign. Little of note occurred for three 
weeks after the battle. By the 3d of October Burgoyne was 
obliged to shorten the rations of his soldiers. Something 
must be done and done at once. To rest quietly in camp 
meant starvation. To retreat was to set free a large Ameri- 
can force for operations against Clinton. All Burgoyne 's 
officers agreed that an offensive movement was absolutely 
necessary. When the attack was made, Burgoyne commanded 
his men in person. At first the battle seemed to go against 
the Americans and Arnold, observing this, though without 
a command, could not sit idly by so he mounted his horse and 
was soon in the thickest of the fight cheering the men on. 
He inspired the army and so distinguished himself that 
Congress promoted him for his bravery. Morgan's command 
rendered distinguished service. In the Battle of Free- 
man's Farm, Gates took no part and during the Battle of 
Bemis Heights he remained at his headquarters discussing the 
merits of the Revolution with a wounded British officer. 

Burgoyne 's attempt to force his way through the Ameri- 
can lines to Albany had utterly failed. Nothing now re- 
mained but an attempt to reach Canada. This effort also was 
a failure. His army was completely surrounded at Schuyler- 
ville and was unable to break through the American lines 
in any direction. On the 17th of October, Burgoyne 's army 
laid down their arms and five thousand seven hundred and 
ninety-one men became prisoners of war. 

The surrender of Burgoyne ended in disaster a long- 
cherished plan of the British ministry. It secured for the 

270 




SCHUYLERVILLE MONUMENT 



BURGOYNE'S INVASION 

Americans the alliance of France, led to the acknowledgment 
of the United States by foreign powers and greatly cheered 
and encouraged the patriots. 

The failure of the campaign was largely due to the fact 
that Burgoyne was given instructions that he was expected 
to follow to the letter, while similar instructions were not sent 
to Lord Howe, though the most complete cooperation between 
the various forces conducting the campaign was essential to 
success. It has since transpired that explicit and positive 
instructions were also prepared for Lord Howe but, owing 
to some technical defects, Lord Germain would not counter- 
sign them when presented to him, and while the corrections 
were being made he went on his vacation, and the matter 
was overlooked, and the instructions pigeon-holed, and did 
not reach Howe. The latter sailed to the Chesapeake Bay on 
a movement against Philadelphia, taking eighteen thousand 
men with him and leaving Clinton only seven thousand in New 
York — not enough for what was expected of him. He dared 
not go up the river with the greater part of his force for fear 
that Washington would capture New York and then attack 
him in the rear. No movement was attempted till the 3d of 
October when a force of three thousand forced their way 
up the river, "Washington having gone to Philadelphia to 
oppose Howe. The British captured the forts at West Point 
and burned Kingston — a piece of inexcusable vandalism. 

Even had Clinton been able to force his way to Albany 
and on to aid Burgoyne, it would only have meant the sur- 
render of three thousand more men, for he and Burgoyne 
combined would not have had a force one-half as numerous 
as that of Gates, and there would have been the same hard 
problem of feeding the army. 

In preparing the preceding chapter the following authorities were 
consulted and acknowledgments are hereby rendered for assistance 
received : 

Bancroft, George, Histoi-y of the United States. 

Beach, Allen C, Centennial Addresses. 

271 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Belcher, Henry, First American Civil War. 

Benton, Nathaniel S., Histoi-y of Herkimer County. 

Bloodgood, S. DeWitt, Sexagenary. 

Campbell, WUiLiAM W., Annals of Tryon County. 

Carrington, Henry E., Battles of the Revolution. 

Coburn, Frank W., Centennial History of the Battle of Ben- 
nington. 

DeCosta, B. F., Fort George. 

, Lake George. 

, Narrative of Events at Lake George. 

Drake, Samuel Adams, Burgoyne's Invasion. 

FiSKE, John, The American Revolution. 

Frederic, Harold, In the Valley. 

Headley, J. T., Washington and His Generals. 

LossiNG, Benson J., The Field Book of the Revolution. 

, Life of Philip Schuyler. 

Neilson, Charles, Burgoyne's Campaign. 

Palmer, Peter B., History of Lake Champlain. 

Roberts, Ellis H., Battle of Oriskany. 

Schuyler, George L., Character of Philip Schuyler. 

Stevens, John Austin, The Burgoyne Campaign. 

Stone, William L., Burgoyne's Ballads. 

, Burgoyne's Campaign. 

, Life of Brant. 

, Memoirs, Letters and Journals of Riedesel. 

, Saratoga Battlefields. 

Thacher, James, Military Journal. 

Tuckerman, Philip, Life of Philip Schuyler. 

Watson, Winslow C, Histoi-y of Essex County. 

Harper's Monthly. 

Magazine of American History'. 

Proceedings of the New York State Historical Association. 

Valentine's Manual, 1863, New York City under British Mili- 
tary Rule. 



XII 

SULLIVAN'S EXPEDITION 

The importance of Sullivan 's expedition has not generally 
been recognized, nor the reasons for it generally understood. 
Its effect has not been fully appreciated. So long as their 
families were exposed to the horrors of Indian raids, it was 
difficult to get the men on the frontier to enter the Con- 
tinental army and, when they did join it, they would return 
to their homes whenever there was a raid by the savages, or 
one threatened. So the consequences of the border warfare 
of the Indians were far-reaching. 

New York suffered severely from the border wars and so, 
to a less extent, did New England, Pennsylvania and Vir- 
ginia. Up to the time of the Revolution the northern and 
western boundaries had been somewhat protected by the Six 
Nations, but when that confederacy cast its fortunes with 
Great Britain there was no longer any protection. On the 
contrary, there was greatly increased danger from Indian 
depredations. Raids and massacres were matters of frequent 
occurrence. The scenes of Cherry Valley and Wyoming were 
repeated again and again on a smaller scale. The sufferings 
became so great, the attacks so numerous, and the conse- 
quences so serious that, on the 25th of February, 1778, Con- 
gress passed a resolution directing Washington to chastise 
the Indians and take effective means to protect the border. 

Washington decided to send a force of five thousand men 
against the Indians, deeming it wise to send an overwhelming 
force and strike a crushing blow. He had had sufficient 
experience in fighting Indians, and knew their nature well 
enough to know that only the most severe punishment would 
be effective. 

273 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Gates was offered the command of this expedition because 
of his rank in the army. He was a man who was fond of 
display, applause and prominence but not of hard work, or 
of danger, so he declined the appointment saying: "The man 
who undertakes the Indian service should enjoy youth and 
strength, requisites I do not possess. It therefore grieves me 
that your Excellency should offer me the only command to 
which I am entirely unequal." 

In his correspondence with the President of Congress, 
Washington referred to this ungracious reply as follows: 

The plan of operations for the campaign being detennined, a 
commanding officer was to be appointed for the Indian expedition. 
This command, according to all present appearances, will probably 
be of the second, if not of the first importance, for the campaign. 
The officer commanding it has a flatteiing prospect of acquiring more 
credit than can be expected by any other this year, and he has the 
best reason to hope for success. General Lee, from his situation, was 
out of the question; General Schuyler (who, by the way, would have 
been most agreeable to me) was so uncei'tain of continuing in the 
army, that I could not appoint him; General Putnam I need not 
mention ; I therefore made the offer of it, for the appointment could 
no longer be delayed, to General Gates, who was next in seniority, 
though perhajis I might have avoided it if I had been so disposed 
from his being in command by the special appointment of Congress. 
My letter to him on the occasion, I believe you will think was con- 
ceived in very cordial and polite terms, and that it merited a differ- 
ent answer from the one given to it. 

When Gates declined the command of the expedition it 
was given to Sullivan to whom Washington wrote the fol- 
lowing : 

Sir: The expedition you are appointed to command is to be 
directed against the hostile tribes of the Six Nations of Indians with 
their associates and adherents. The immediate object is their total 
destruction and devastation, and the capture of as many persons of 
evei-y age and sex a.s possible. It will be essential to ruin their crops 
now in the ground and pi'event their planting more. 

271 



SULLIVAN'S EXPEDITION 

The plan of operations was a very comprehensive one. 
Sullivan was to assemble his force at Wyoming on the Susque- 
hanna. Clinton was to pass up the Mohawk, enter the country 
of the Onondagas and punish them, then cross over to Otsego 
Lake, down the Susquehanna and join Sullivan at Tioga Point 
(now Athens, Pennsylvania) . Colonel Brodhead was to march 
into the Seneca country from Pittsburgh and join Sullivan 
in the Genesee Valley. After completing their work of 
destruction the whole force was to march against Niagara, 
capture and destroy that post, thus making their work com- 
plete. Only this latter part of the movement failed of 
success. 

Brodhead did not form a junction with Sullivan because 
the latter was so much delayed — owing to the lack of prompt- 
ness in delivering supplies on the part of the Pennsylvania 
authorities — that Brodhead had performed his part of the 
work and, his supplies being exhausted, been compelled to 
return to Pittsburgh. 

When Sullivan had completed his work of destruction 
he was strong enough to move against Niagara without the 
aid of Brodhead but it was late in the season and his supplies 
were low, and it was therefore thought unwise to undertake 
the movement. 

Colonel Daniel Brodhead started from Pittsburgh on the 
11th of August with six hundred and five men provisioned 
for one month. He followed the Allegheny River for about 
two hundred miles, probably as far as the city of Hornell. 
This took him into the country of the Senecas. He destroyed 
the Indian town of Yoghroonwago on the Allegheny, and 
seven other towns in that section. The eight towns had in all 
about one hundred and thirty houses. Brodhead also de- 
stroyed at least five hundred acres of corn and a large quantity 
of other vegetables. He returned to Pittsburgh by a route 
different from that over which he came and destroyed three 
towns on French Creek. Brodhead not only did considerable 
work of destruction but probably kept some of the Senecas 
from taking part in operations against Sullivan. Owing to 

275 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

the lack of supplies lie was unable to wait for the arrival of 
Sullivan. 

Sullivan had direct command of three brigades; a fourth 
under Clinton joined him at Tioga Point. The first brigade 
consisted of the First, Second, and Third New Jersey regi- 
ments and Spencer's New Jersey regiment. The second was 
composed of the First, Second and Third New Hampshire 
regiments and the Sixth Massachusetts. The third was com- 
posed of the Fourth and Eleventh Pennsylvania regiments, a 
German battalion, an artillery force, some of jNIorgan's rifle- 
men, a few Wyoming militia, and two independent com- 
panies. The fourth was made up of the Third, Fourth and 
Fifth New York regiments and a New York artillery detach- 
ment. 

The first brigade, consisting of the four New Jersey regi- 
ments, was under the command of General William Maxwell. 
This force gathered at Elizabethtown and then marched to 
Easton where they were joined by the second brigade under 
the command of General Enoch Poor. The New Hampshire 
and Massachusetts men had marched across the country from 
a point a few miles above Peekskill, passing through Orange 
County. 

The two brigades marched from Easton to Wyoming on 
the Susquehanna River. The route lay through a wild, 
thickly wooded country and across almost impassable swamps. 
Nearly forty days were required to make this comparatively 
short distance. 

A long and vexatious delay occurred at Easton. The 
New Jersey regiments refused to march until they received 
their long overdue pay. Pennsylvania was not only to furnish 
troops but supplies, but neither were ready when Sullivan 
reached Easton. The truth is that Pennsylvania did not seem 
to have much heart in the movement. The Quakers had 
always opposed the exercise of force in dealing with the 
Indians. Some were dissatisfied because the command of the 
expedition had not been given to a Pennsylvanian instead of 
to an officer from New England. Others complained that 

276 



SULLIVAN'S EXPEDITION 

Sullivan was extravagant and unreasonable in his demand 
for supplies. Therefore, for one reason and another the 
expedition was delayed. 

The supplies which were furnished tardily and reluctantly 
were insufficient in quantity and inferior in quality. Much 
of the salted meat had been put into barrels made of green 
wood and was therefore unfit to eat. Even in those days men 
could be found who were willing to profit at their country's 
expense and through the sufferings of their fellow-men. It 
was not until the 31st of July that Sullivan began his march 
for Tioga where he was to be joined by Clinton. 

In the meantime Clinton had performed the duties as- 
signed him. He gathered a force at Schenectady, marched 
up the ]\Iohawk to Canajoharie and from that point sent 
Colonel Van Schaick against the Onondagas because these 
Indians were threatening the frontier. Van Schaick killed 
twelve of the Indians and captured thirty-eight. The corn 
of the Indians was destroyed, their stock captured, one hun- 
dred and ten guns seized and fifty houses burned. 

After this expedition Clinton moved his army twenty miles 
across the country to the head of Otsego Lake, the source of 
the eastern branch of the Susquehanna. The route being 
over a heavily wooded and hilly country, largely without 
roads, Clinton had a heavy task as he had to transport more 
than two hundred batteaux that were to be used on his march 
down the Susquehanna. The work was quickly and success- 
fully performed and he awaited orders from Sullivan which 
did not come until the first week in August, on account of 
the delays already mentioned. In the meantime, as the sum- 
mer had been very dry, and the Susquehanna was unusually 
low and filled with flood wood and fallen trees, Clinton built 
a dam across the narrow outlet of the lake and raised the 
water three or four feet. As the lake was nine miles long 
and from half a mile to two miles wide, this accumulated a 
great mass of water and, when the wooden dam was destroyed, 
the rush of water not only cleared the river and afforded an 
easy passage for the boats but it greatly frightened the 

277 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Indians down the river as they could not account for a flood 
in an unusually dry season without rain. They thought the 
Great Spirit was angry with them. 

Clinton began his march on the 9th. The river was very 
crooked and there were many obstructions, so he did not 
make as rapid progress as Sullivan had expected and the 
latter became uneasy and sent a brigade to meet him. The 
two forces met about ten miles from the present site of 
Binghamton and on account of this meeting the village 
located there has always been known as Union. It was on 
the 28th of August that the forces of Sullivan and Clinton 
came together. So far, the work had been that of preparation. 
It is true that Clinton had destroyed some houses and crops 
in the Onondaga country and several places on his march 
down the Susquehanna, and that Sullivan had destroyed a 
few small places, but all this had been more than counter- 
balanced by the Minisink raid of Brant. 

The real work of the campaign was now to begin. Sullivan 
had built a fort at Tioga Point known as Fort Sullivan. Here 
were left the sick and non-combatants that could be spared. 
That left an available force of about thirty-five hundred 
for the march across the state through the woods and 
swamps, across rivers and around lakes, through a country 
where there were no roads, where all supplies had to be car- 
ried with them, where defeat meant almost complete annihila- 
tion, and serious wounds or sickness meant death. Sur- 
rounded at all times by numerous foes who knew no mercy, 
who could not be induced to risk a general battle, whose 
barbarity is illustrated by their treatment of Lieutenant 
Boyd, it required no small degree of courage to enter the 
unbroken wilderness that spread before General Sullivan's 
army. General Sherman's march to the sea is deservedly 
celebrated in song and story, but this march of General Sul- 
livan's is almost unknown, though one of far greater risk, 
requiring greater courage, and equally successful. 

The Indians with their English and Tory allies were 
determined to prevent the advance of Sullivan. Brant's raid 

278 



SULLIVAN'S EXPEDITION 

into Orange County with the massacre at Minisink was for 
the purpose of drawing away a part of Sullivan's force. 
Failing in this, the Indians resolved to make a stand at 
Newtown, near Elmira, where they had constructed some 
breastworks. The real leader was Brant but with him were 
Colonel John Butler, Sir John Johnson, Walter Butler and 
Captain McDonald. Their force consisted of about eight hun- 
dred Indians and three hundred regulars and Tories. The 
engagement lasted about six hours but there seems to have 
been more noise than execution ; at any rate Sullivan 's loss 
was only four or five killed and thirty wounded. No one has 
ever known the loss of the Indians but it was probably con- 
siderably greater as there was widespread mourning among 
the Indian women. 

The Indians were utterly disheartened and could not be 
induced to make another stand against what they believed 
to be an overwhelming force. Despair and terror took com- 
plete possession of them. Wherever Sullivan went, he found 
the country deserted. No attempt was made to hold their 
villages or to save their crops. From this time on, Sullivan 
had only the work of destruction. The only show of resist- 
ance was when a small party under Lieutenant Boyd was 
surrounded by an overwhelming force. The party was almost 
annihilated and Boyd was tortured in a most horrible manner. 

Sullivan marched leisurely across the state to the Genesee 
Valley, along the shores of Seneca and Cayuga lakes, destroy- 
ing everything along his line of march. Forty villages and 
more than one hundred and fifty thousand bushels of corn 
were destroyed. IMany thousand of fruit trees were killed — 
mainly peach and apple. Gardens containing a great variety 
of vegetables were laid in waste. Much grew out of this 
expedition aside from the punishment of the Indians, which 
will be referred to in a later chapter. Many of the officers 
on this expedition kept journals that have since been pub- 
lished. They expressed their astonishment at the wonderful 
fertility of the land and the marvelous growth of the corn. 
One says that a man on horseback would not be seen in a 

279 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

field of corn because of its height. Another speaks of ears of 
corn twenty inches long. Sullivan said the Genesee Valley 
did not seem like the home of savages but rather of a peopk' 
skilled in agriculture. All were charmed with the beauty 
and fertility of the valley. 

While the capture of Niagara was not accomplished as 
had been hoped, and the Indians were able to renew their 
raids to some extent the following year, yet the power of the 
confederacy had really been broken and it never recovered 
from the blow Sullivan inflicted upon it. The Indians were 
terribly punished. They were compelled to spend the follow- 
ing winter at Niagara with the British and live largely on 
salted food. The winter was unusually severe and exposure 
and lack of suitable food caused hundreds of them to die 
before the coming of spring. One result of the attitude of 
the Six Nations and the outcome of this campaign was that 
at the close of the Revolution the larger part of the Indians 
removed to Canada and most of the territory formerly owned 
by them was opened to settlement. 

The country of the Senecas and the Cayugas, the Genesee 
Valley and the valleys leading into it, and the country along 
the shores of Seneca and Cayuga lakes were exceedingly fer- 
tile. Thousands of acres of land were cleared and had been in 
that condition so long that the Indians had no knowledge 
that it had ever been otherwise. The Indians of this section 
had made considerable advance in civilization. Many of their 
villages were built of log houses, some of them squared logs 
and in a few instances they were painted. They had hogs, 
hens, and some other domestic animals. They had extensive 
gardens in which they cultivated all kinds of vegetables that 
were then common with the whites. They had extensive 
orchards of apples, peaches and some other fruits. One 
orchard had fifteen hundred trees in it. They had ex- 
tensive cornfields, so large and so numerous that it was 
estimated that Sullivan destroyed one hundred and sixty 
thousand bushels of this grain. The Indians not only supplied 
their own wants but also to a large extent provided for the 

280 



SULLIVAN'S EXPEDITION 

British troops at Niagara, which was an additional reason for 
destroying their crops and preventing the raising of others 
in the year to come. 

Possibly we will get a clearer idea of this semi-civilization 
if we describe a few of the towns destroyed. Catherinestown 
at the head of Seneca Lake, on the site of the present village 
of Havana, had forty houses that were generally large and 
well built. That of Queen Esther was two stories in height 
and eighteen by thirty feet on the ground. Her farm was 
not altogether unlike a modern stock farm as it was fenced 
and devoted to the raising of horses, cattle, hogs and chickens. 
She also raised much fruit and vegetables and had extensive 
grain fields. This village was also known as Sheoquaga. 

Kanedesaga, the capital of the Seneca nation and often 
called Seneca Castle, was situated on the site of the present 
city of Geneva. It was on the great trail leading from Albany 
to Niagara. Johnson built a fort there in 1756 because he 
regarded the site as one of great importance from a military 
point of view. The town had fifty houses and there were 
several small hamlets near by. About it were very extensive 
orchards and cornfields. There were also many large gardens 
containing peas, beans, potatoes, carrots, parsnips, onions, 
turnips, cabbages, cucumbers, squashes and watermelons. 

Kanandaigua, an Indian village located on the site of the 
present village of Canandaigua, was a town of twenty-three 
houses — all new and exceedingly good, some of them framed, 
others built of logs. 

On the east side of Canaseraga Creek, two miles above its 
junction with the Genesee, was the Indian town of Gathtseg- 
warohare which contained twenty-five houses, most of which 
were new. The cornfields there were so extensive that it 
took two thousand men six hours to destroy them. 

Near Cuylerville, in the town of Leicester, was the largest 
Indian town in the Seneca country. It was known as Little 
Beard's Town or the Great Genesee Castle or Chenandoanes. 
It contained one hundred and twenty-eight houses, most of 
which were large and fine. Surrounding the village were two 

281 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

hundred acres of corn and many large gardens. These towns 
and all others in the Seneca and Cayuga country were 
destroyed. So far as possible, not a vestige of the work of 
the Indians in making homes for themselves was spared. 

In order to properly appreciate what the great Iroquois 
Confederacy was and what it had at stake we should remem- 
ber that it controlled a territory about twelve hundred miles 
long and six hundred miles wide, that is, more than ten times 
as large as the whole state of New York. This was their 
stake in the Revolution and this they lost, and the Americans 
gained. 

In preparing the preceding chapter the following authorities were 
consulted and acknowledgments are hereby I'endered for assistance 
received : 

Campbell, William W., Annals of Ti-yon County. 

Ellwood, Mary Cheney, An Episode in the Sullivan Campaign 
and Its Sequel. 

Goodwin, Pioneer Histoi-y of Cortland County. 

Griffis, W. E., The Pathfinders of the Revolution. 

Halsey, Francis W., The Old New York Frontier. 

Ketchum, Histoiy of Buffalo and the Senecas. 

LossiNG, Benson J., Field Book of the Revolution. 

Norton, A. Tiffany, Sullivan's Campaign. 

Seaver, James E., Life of Mary Jemison. 

, The Remembrances. 

Stone, W. L., Border Wars of the American Revolution. 

, Life of Brant. 

Thacher, Military Journal. 

Turner, Holland Land Purchase. 

Wilkinson, Annals of Binghamton. 

WiNSOR, Justin, Narrative and Critical History of America. 

Clinton Papers. 

Historical Magazine. 

Magazine of American Histoiy. 

New Hampshire's Part in the Sullivan Expedition. 

Proceedings of the New York State Historical Association. 



XIII 
ALEXANDER HAMILTON AND THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 

On the 5th of January, 1757, there was born on the little 
West Indian island of Nevis a boy who was to become one 
of the foremost citizens of his adopted country, and who 
was to have a large part in determining its independence, 
its form of government, and in working out the details of 
its administration. This was Alexander Hamilton. 

His father, James Hamilton, was a Scotchman. He 
descended from a family of note and had a fine mind, but 
lacked business ability. His mother, Rachel Fawcett, who 
was born on the Island of Nevis, was of French Huguenot 
descent. Young Hamilton inherited a happy combination of 
Scotch and French characteristics. 

When a mere girl of sixteen, Rachel Fawcett was forced 
by her mother into a marriage with a rich Danish Jew, named 
Levine, who was very much older than she. The marriage was 
a very unhappy one. Levine treated his wife so cruelly that 
she was compelled to leave him and return to her mother. 
Several years later she met James Hamilton and fell in love 
with him. It was impossible for her to obtain a divorce from 
Levine though in these days her grounds for divorce would 
have been regarded sufficient in most American states, if not 
in all. She was a brilliant, accomplished and educated woman. 
She and Hamilton lived together till her death which occurred 
at the early age of thirty-two. 

The relations that existed between James Hamilton and 
Rachel Levine do not seem to have led to any lack of social 
recognition. Those who knew them and all the circumstances 
appear to have regarded their relations as justifiable under 
the circumstances, even though they were not lawful. After 

283 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

the birth of Alexander Hamilton, Levine divorced his wife. 
The decree permitted him to marry again but did not afford 
his wife the same privilege. It is clear that no prejudice 
existed against Hamilton on account of his birth, for if that 
had been the case intimate relations would not have existed 
between him and Washington, nor would Philip Schuyler have 
welcomed him as a son-in-law ; still the circumstances of his 
birth were used against him in the bitterness of political 
controversy. Even John Adams, of good puritanical training, 
so far forgot himself on one occasion as to call Hamilton a 
"damn bastard brat of a Scotch peddler." 

Hamilton's mother died when he was very young. His 
father was not so situated as to properly care for his son 
so he was sent to the adjoining island of St. Croix to live with 
his mother's relatives, who were people of means, and were 
engaged in mercantile pursuits. Young Hamilton was given 
a place in their counting house where he acquitted himself 
with much credit, though the work was not at all to his liking. 
In August, 1772, when Hamilton was only fifteen years old, 
a terrible hurricane swept over the island — the severest storm 
the people had ever experienced. The sea was lashed into 
fury, the storm swept across the land uprooting trees and 
carrying devastation in its path. Even the bravest of the 
inhabitants were greatly frightened and many were terror- 
stricken, but young Hamilton watched the storm with the 
greatest interest and wholly without fear. A few days later 
an account of the storm appeared in a paper printed in a 
neighboring island. The account was so vivid, the word 
painting so marvelous, that the people were certain some 
writer of note must have been among them without their 
knowledge and when they learned that the account was 
written by one of their number, and he a mere boy, they were 
greatly astonished. They felt that such a lad should have a 
better chance for education than St. Croix could afford and a 
wider field in which to exercise his talents. 

His friends raised a fund for him and he was sent to 
America. He landed at Boston but soon went to New York. 

284 




Alexander Hamilton 



HAMILTON AND THE CONSTITUTION 

He brought letters of introduction to Rev. Hugh Knox and 
William Livingston. The former advised him to prepare for 
/college, so he entered a preparatory school at Elizabethtown. 
He made his home with Livingston, who afterward became 
governor of New Jersey. Here he met John Jay and other 
men of note. In the winter of 1773-1774 he was ready to 
enter college and applied at Princeton for admission, asking 
that he be advanced as fast as he could pass his examinations, 
and saying that he could not afford to spend as much time 
at college as other boys could and that he was willing to 
work harder than most boys were; but the trustees of the 
college denied his request, saying it was vain and unreason- 
able. Hamilton then went to New York and entered King's 
College. At this time he was disposed to side with the 
friends of the King in the controversy between the colonists 
and the mother country, but after he had been at college for 
half a year he made a visit to Boston where he heard Samuel 
Adams, James Otis and others, and came back a most earnest 
"Whig. Hamilton did not graduate owing to the breaking 
out of the Revolution, but the college afterward gave him 
an A. M. degree and the legislature of the state^ by a special 
act, conferred upon him the degree of Doctor of Laws. 

New York was a little slow in following the action of the 
other colonies, so the "Sons of Liberty" arranged for a great 
meeting to be held in what is now known as City Hall Park, 
but then as "The Fields," for the purpose of arousing 
the people. Men of wide reputation were there, but a slight 
youth of seventeen made the speech of the occasion. Hamilton 
attacked the English Parliament for its action in closing the 
port of Boston, That speech established his reputation as a 
clear thinker, a strong, forceful, fearless and eloquent speaker. 
Possibly his youth and his slight figure added to the impres- 
sion made by his speech. 

About this time Hamilton organized a company of the 
college students who adopted the name "Hearts of Oak." 
On the 4th of March, 1776, Hamilton was appointed the 
captain of the first company of artillery raised in the colony. 

285 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

He so thoroughly drilled and disciplined it that the attention 
of General Greene was attracted. He sought the acquaintance 
of Hamilton and spoke most enthusiastically to Washington 
about him, saying that he was a natural master of men and 
a young man worthy the attention of the commander-in-chief. 
Hamilton and his company rendered efficient service at the 
Battle of Long Island during the retreat, and later at White m 
Plains, Trenton and Princeton. 

On the first of March, 1777, Hamilton was made a mem- 
ber of Washington's staff with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. 
He accepted the position with reluctance as he had hoped to 
distinguish himself on the field. Almost from the outset, 
Washington trusted him more than he did any other member 
of his staff. This may have been because of Hamilton's 
unusual ability to express himself in writing — a gift of which 
Washington made great use. This experience of Hamilton 
prepared him for his future work as he came to have a thor- 
ough knowledge of the country, its resources, its difficulties, 
its weaknesses, its leading men, and the people as a whole, 
that he could not have acquired in any other capacity. 
Although Hamilton had had but little experience in the field, 
he led one of the attacking columns at Yorktown with such 
skill, courage, vigor and impetuosity as to warrant the belief 
that he would have distinguished himself as a soldier if 
opportunity had offered. 

The life of Hamilton up to this time gives some idea of 
the character of the man. He began life as a Loyalist. His 
tendencies were aristocratic. He reverenced tradition. He 
sought to achieve matters in an orderly way. He always 
sought to make the best of conditions that existed. He was 
unusually free from selfish personal ambition. It was as a 
statesman and not as a soldier that he rendered invaluable 
service. 

The country had been united only in its opposition to 
Great Britain. When that binding force was removed, there 
was nothing to hold the country together. The people of the 
different states did not know each other. There was prac- 

286 



HAMILTON AND THE CONSTITUTION 

tically no traveling. Very few men ever left the boundaries 
of the state in which they lived. The different sections of 
the country were peopled by those differing in race, desires, 
needs and occupations. They were distrustful of each other. 
They had all long been trained to fear the exercise of power 
by a central government, so the Articles of Confederation 
framed by them gave the central government scarcely any 
power. The President was simply the presiding officer of 
Congress. Congress had no power to enforce its laws or its 
decrees. It could not levy a tax for any purpose whatever, 
not even to pay the army, the officers of the government, or 
the interest on its debts. All it could do was to ask the states 
for money and if the latter did not see fit to furnish it, and 
usually they did not. Congress was powerless. Of the taxes 
assessed upon the states for the expenses of 1783 only one- 
fifth had been paid by the middle of 1785. This condition of 
affairs was the source of great apprehension to thoughtful 
men. 

In June, 1783, Washington said: "Unless the states will 
suffer Congress to exercise those prerogatives they are un- 
doubtedly invested with by the constitution, everything must 
very rapidly tend to anarchy and confusion." He sent a 
circular letter to the governors of the states in which he said, 
speaking of the United States : 

This is the time of their political probation; this is the moment 
when the eyes of the whole world are turned upon them; this is the 
moment to establish or ruin their political character forever; this is 
the favorable moment to give such a tone to our federal government 
as will enable it to answer the ends of its institution, or this may be 
the ill-fated moment for relaxing the powers of the union, annihila- 
ting the cement of the confederation, and exposing us to become the 
sport of European politics which may play one state again another 
to prevent their growing importance and to serve their own inter- 
ested purposes. For, according to the system of policy the states 
shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or fall; and by their con- 
firmation or lapse it is yet to be decided whether the Revolution must 
ultimately be considered as a blessing or a curse; a blessing or a 

287 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

curse not to the present age alone, for with our fall will the destiny 
of unborn millions be involved. 

Washington closed this letter as follows: 

I now make it my earnest prayer that God would have you, and 
the state over which you preside, in his Holy protection; that He 
would incline the hearts of the citizens to cultivate a spirit of sub- 
ordination and obedience to government; to entertain a brotherly 
affection and love for one another, for their fellow-citizens of the 
United States at Large, and particularly for their brethren who have 
served in the field; and finally that He would most graciously be 
pleased to dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy, and to demean 
ourselves with that charity, humility, and peaceful temper of mind, 
which were the characteristics of the Divine Author of our blessed 
religion, and without an humble imitation of whose example in these 
things, we can never hope to be a happy nation. 

At another time Washington wrote : 

It is as clear to me as A, B, C that an extension of the federal 
power would make us one of the most happy, wealthy, respectable 
and powerful nations; without them we shall soon be everything 
which is the direct reverse. 

On another occasion he said: 

The Confederation seems to me to be little more than a shadow 
without the substance, and Congress a nugatory body, their ordi- 
nances being little attended to. To me it is a solecism in politics; 
indeed, it is one of the most exti'aordinary things in nature that we 
should confederate as a nation and yet be afraid to give the rulers 
of that nation sufficient powers to order and direct the affaii's of the 
same. 

John Jay, in writing to Washington, said : 

Our affairs seem to lead to a crisis, something which I cannot see 
or conjecture. I am uneasy and apprehensive, more so than during 
the War. 

288 



HAMILTON AND THE CONSTITUTION 

Our treaty of peace with Great Britain provided that all 
private debts to its citizens should be paid, that the Loyalists 
should be reimbursed for their property that had been con- 
fiscated, and that the Tories should not be persecuted by the 
states. But Congress had not the power to make good these 
provisions of the treaty. The Articles of Confederation did 
not give Congress the power to raise money or control the 
action of the states. The money was not raised for the 
purposes specified in the treaty, and the states did persecute 
the Tories most shamefully, New York being the greatest 
sinner in this particular. We were discredited abroad. Our 
ambassadors were sneered at. Most of the nations of Europe 
refused even to make commercial treaties with us, saying 
that it was of no use so long as we were one nation when 
we made treaties but thirteen independent nations in the 
matter of execution. Their attitude could not be wondered 
at. It was quite just. Some points on our northern borders 
were. still held by the British and they refused to surrender 
them until we complied with the provisions of the treaty. 
This was a source of much irritation and humiliation. 

The drift toward anarchy was rapid. Each of the states 
could coin money, issue paper money, and make tariff laws. 
This they did. Their paper money and that of Congress soon 
became practically valueless. When one wished to express 
in the strongest possible terms his belief that something was 
absolutely without value, he said it was "not w^orth a Con- 
tinental," meaning thereby that it was not worth as much 
as a note issued by Congress. It is said that a popular barber 
in Philadelphia papered his shop with Continental notes and 
that, with the exception that the labor was great on account 
of the small size of the sheets of paper, it was not an expensive 
matter. It was facetiously said that when a man went to 
market he carried his money in a wheelbarrow and brought 
home his purchases in his vest pocket. Congress was bank- 
rupt. Few of the states were any better off. The country 
was filled with demagogues. Each state sought its own wel- 
fare regardless of the interests of all the others. Connecticut 

289 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

was on the verge of a war with Pennsylvania. The relations 
between New York and New Hampshire were strained almost 
to the breaking point. There were riots and bloodshed in 
Vermont. Civil war was threatened in Rhode Island. Massa- 
chusetts had a rebellion on her hands. Connecticut and New 
Jersey were threatening commercial non-intercourse with New 
York. In Virginia there was talk of forming a southern 
confederacy. Spain was defying us at the mouth of the 
Mississippi. The states made tariff restrictions against each 
other. New York discriminated against New Jersey, Pennsyl- 
vania against Delaware. When the other New England states 
practically closed their ports against Great Britain, Connecti- 
cut took advantage of the situation and threw hers wide open 
to the English and passed stringent tariff regulations against 
Massachusetts. New York, under George Clinton, attempted 
to build herself up at the expense of all the other states. 
So it was on every hand. There was universal distress. That 
something must be done if the country were to be made 
prosperous, and the union preserved, was clearly apparent to 
all thinking men. 

During the three years preceding the Federal Convention, 
Washington was busy trying to bring about an improvement 
of our inland waterways. He favored such improvements 
for political as well as for commercial reasons, believing that 
opening communication between the different parts of the 
country would do much toward cementing more strongly the 
bonds of union between the states. 

An attempt was made to have Virginia and Maryland 
unite in improving and extending the navigation of the 
Potomac River; then, as an afterthought, it was suggested 
that the two states might agree upon a uniform system of 
duties, currency and other commercial regulations. As the 
idea of improving the inland waterways developed, it was 
thought it might be well to connect the headwaters of the 
Potomac with those of the Ohio, and therefore it would be 
well to invite Pennsylvania to take part in the proposed 
conference. Later it was thought advisable to include Dela- 

290 



HAMILTON AND THE CONSTITUTION 

ware, as the scheme of improvement might include a canal 
connecting the Delaware River with Chesapeake Bay. As 
the discussion progressed it was finally suggested that a 
meeting be held at Annapolis to which all the states should 
be asked to send commissioners to participate in an informal 
discussion. The date was fixed for the first Monday in 
September, 1786. The invitations were sent out by the 
Governor of Virginia. Only Virginia, Delaware, Pennsyl- 
vania, New Jersey and New York were represented. Massa- 
chusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and North Carolina 
appointed commissioners but they did not attend the con- 
ference. Maryland, which had been much interested at the 
outset, did not even appoint commissioners. The outcome of 
the affair was very disheartening to those who had given 
the matter so much thought. 

The convention took no action further than to adopt an 
address prepared by Hamilton, who was present as a repre- 
sentative of New York. This address, which was sent to 
all the states, urged that commissioners be appointed by each 
of the states "to devise such further provisions as shall appear 
to them necessary to render the constitution of the Federal 
Government adequate to the exigencies of t?ie Union, and to 
report to Congress such an act as, when agreed to by them 
and confirmed by the legislature of every state, would effect- 
ually provide for the same." 

Congress was opposed to this plan and put all possible 
obstructions in its way. New York, Massachusetts, and 
Rhode Island were the states most bitterly opposed to a 
stronger union, and that did the most to prevent its being 
brought about, but the events that had occurred, and were 
still occurring, made the people more afraid of anarchy 
than of centralization. While the matter was still being 
discussed with great vigor and some bitterness, Virginia chose 
delegates, naming Washington as one of them. This was 
approved by the great majority of the people of the whole 
country. New Jersey, North Carolina, and Delaware followed 
the example of Virginia. With the exception of Rhode Island, 

291 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 



all the other states joined in the movement and the conven 
tion met at Philadelphia on the 14th of May, 1787. 

The first act of the convention was the choice of a presid- 
ing officer and Washington was unanimously elected. This 
was as it should have been. It was his idea of united action 
on the part of Virginia and Maryland that aroused discussion 
and set in motion a train of circumstances that culminated 
in the Philadelphia convention. It was a remarkable body of 
men that met in that convention — men fitted by ability, ex- 
perience and integrity for the work before them. Twenty- 
nine were university men, graduates of Harvard, Yale, Colum- 
bia, Princeton, William and Mary, Oxford, Glasgow and 
Edinburgh. Twenty-six of them were not college bred, Wash- 
ington and Franklin being among this number. 

The two most profound and original thinkers among the 
members were two of the youngest men in the convention — 
James Madison who was thirty-six years of age, and Alexan- 
der Hamilton who was only thirty. The sage of the conven- 
tion, the man whose ready thought more than once prevented 
the breaking of that body — Benjamin Franklin — was past 
four score years of age. Besides Madison, who later became 
the fourth president of the United States, and Franklin, 
there were four other signers of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, including James Wilson, born and educated in 
Scotland, one of the most learned jurists this country has 
ever known, and who had studied the science of government 
in three European universities. Later he became Justice of 
the Supreme Court. There was Caleb Strong, ten times chosen 
governor of Massachusetts; George Wythe, the learned chan- 
cellor of Virginia ; Robert Morris, the financier of the Revolu- 
tion; Rutledge and Ellsworth, each of whom afterwards 
served as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court ; Johnson, a 
great lawyer who later became president of Columbia Univer- 
sity ; Livingston who served eleven years as governor of New 
Jersey; Patterson who was attorney-general of New Jersey 
ten terms, once its governor, and later member of the Supreme 
Court of the United States ; and many others fit to rank with 

292 



I 



HAMILTON AND THE CONSTITUTION 

these. There were very few ordinary men in that body. 
This was natural, as each state felt that its interests, and 
almost its existence, were at stake and therefore felt the 
importance of sending its ablest men as representatives. 

It is not the purpose of this sketch to give more than a 
very brief notice of the Federal Convention. There was a 
very great difference of opinion as to what should be done. 
Many vexatious questions arose, most of which were settled 
by compromise. There was also a wide difference of opinion 
as to what it was wise to recommend to Congress. Many 
thought it would be better to resort to halfM'ay measures that 
would correct a few of the more glaring defects of the Articles 
of Confederation, taking this view not because they believed 
it the ideal thing to do but because they did not believe the 
people would approve a plan for a thoroughly satisfactory 
form of government. This was a form of moral cowardice 
that has been all too common in our political history, and 
that would have prevailed at this time but for the position 
taken by Washington. Speaking seriously, solemnly and 
almost hopelessly, he said : " It is too probable that no plan 
we may propose will be adopted. Perhaps another dreadful 
conflict is to be sustained. If to placate the people we 
offer what we ourselves disapprove, how can we afterward 
defend our work? Let us raise a standard to which wise 
and honest men can repair. The event is in the hands of 
God." 

This put an end to makeshifts. The convention prepared 
a draft of a constitution to which most of the members put 
their names. A few would not sign. It was provided that 
the constitution should be binding upon the states that 
approved it if as many as nine acted favorably. It was to 
be voted upon through conventions called by the states for 
that purpose. Many prominent men and 'earnest patriots 
were unalterably opposed to a centralized government and 
opposed the adoption of the constitution with all their ability. 
Some opposed it because it gave the large and the small 
states equal power in the Senate; others because it did not 

293 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

give them equal power in both branches of Congress. Rhode 
Island had not sent any delegates to the convention and, 
of course, was opposed to the constitution. There was a for- 
midable opposition in New York, Massachusetts and Virginia. 
The most bitter fight was made in New York. 

Immediately after the adjournment of the convention, 
Hamilton began to prepare the public mind for action. He 
entered upon what might be called a campaign of education. 
In connection with Jay and Madison, he issued a periodical 
the collected numbers of which are known as the Federalist. 
There were eighty-four numbers published. Of these, Hamil- 
ton wrote fifty, Madison twenty-nine and Jay five. The first 
number was issued in October, 1787; the last in May, 1788. 
The idea of the Federalist was wholly Hamilton's. It is the 
only series of political articles that is still read after the 
expiration of a century and a quarter. The writings of 
those who opposed the constitution have long since been 
forgotten. Of the Federalist Fiske says it was "perhaps the 
most famous of American books and undoubtedly the most 
profound and suggestive treatise on government that has 
ever been written." 

In the Federalist Hamilton attempted to show the defects 
of the Articles of Confederation ; the dangers from conflicts 
between the states, from foreign foes and influences; the 
economy in avoiding the maintenance of a navy and army by 
each state ; the expense of maintaining thirteen separate 
governments to accomplish those things that a single central- 
government could accomplish better and at much less expense ; 
safety from domestic factions and insurrections, and the many 
other advantages that would accrue from a central govern- 
ment having suitable powers. 

The New York convention met at Poughkeepsie on the 
17th of June, 1787. New York, Westchester, Kings and Rich- 
mond counties sent delegates in favor of the adoption of 
the proposed federal constitution. Albany, Montgomery, 
Washington, Columbia, Dutchess, Ulster and Orange counties 
sent delegates opposed to the constitution. Suffolk and 

294 



HAMILTON AND THE CONSTITUTION 

Queens counties sent divided delegations. Hamilton, Living- 
ston, Jay, Morris and Duaue were the leaders in favor of 
adoption and Clinton, Smith, Lansing, Yates, of those op- 
posed. 

Hamilton seemed to have undertaken a hopeless task. Over 
two-thirds of the delegates chosen to the convention were 
opposed to adoption. George Clinton, the governor of the 
state, the only governor the state had had up to this time, 
was bitterly opposed to the constitution. He was one of the 
ablest men in the state — able, masterful, an astute politician, 
and a man of indomitable will. With him was Melancthon 
Smith, one of the ablest lawyers in the state and a forceful 
and eloquent speaker. Clinton was chosen president of the 
convention by a unanimous vote. The opening address was 
made by Robert Livingston in favor of adoption. Among 
other things, he said : "I will not remind you of our national 
bankruptcy, or the effect it has upon our public measures 
and the private misery that it causes ; nor will I wound your 
feelings by a recapitulation of the insults we daily receive 
from nations whose injuries we are compelled to repay by 
the advantages of our commerce. These topics have been 
frequently touched, they are in every man's mind; they lie 
heavily at every patriot's heart." Livingston made a lengthy 
address and spoke frequently during the convention. Hamil- 
ton spoke nearly every day and often several times a day, 
always with convincing clearness. 

When the New York convention met, eight states had 
adopted the constitution. Clinton hoped and expected that 
New Hampshire and Virginia would reject it. In the latter 
state Patrick Henry and other eminent patriots were opposing 
it bitterly. Up to this time the following action had been 
taken : 

Delaware adopted the constitution, December 6, 1787, 
without opposition; 

Pennsylvania adopted the constitution, December 12, 1787, 
by a vote of 46 to 23; 

295 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

New Jersey adopted the constitution, December 16, 1787, 
without opposition; 

Georgia adopted the constitution, January 2, 1788, without 
opposition ; 

Connecticut adopted the constitution January 9, 1788, by 
a vote of 128 to 40 ; 

Massachusetts adopted the constitution, February 6, 1788, 
by a vote of 187 to 168; 

]\Iaryland adopted the constitution, April 28, 1788, by a 
vote of 63 to 11 ; 

South Carolina adopted the constitution. May 23, 1788, by 
a vote of 149 to 73. 

Forty-six of the sixty-five delegates to the convention 
were elected to vote against the adoption of the constitution. 
Hamilton wrote to his friends : ' ' Two-thirds of the delegates 
and four-sevenths of the people are against us." The first 
act of the opposition was an attempt to postpone action for 
the present but this was so manifestly improper that Clinton 
could not hold his delegates on that proposition and he was 
beaten. The proposition was to postpone action till the other 
states had tried the plan that New York might see how it 
worked. This was regarded as weak and cowardly and an eva- 
sion of the question they had been elected to pass upon. 

Hamilton was attacked personally and it was with some 
difficulty that he held the convention to the discussion of 
the constitution and the ignoring of personalities. He was 
on his feet day after day, explaining, reasoning, pleading, 
dealing with the minutest details. No other delegate had 
anything like Hamilton's complete understanding of the 
provisions of the proposed constitution or its probable effects 
upon the state and the nation, if adopted. No one else in 
the convention, or in the whole country, with the exception 
of Madison, equaled Hamilton in a general knowledge of the 
science of government or of the history of the government of 
nations and the light which that history throws on the science 
of government. 

296 



HAMILTON AND THE CONSTITUTION 

The convention was slow in coming to a vote. Clinton 
hesitated, not knowing just what the effect of Hamilton's 
arguments had been. Hamilton was in no hurry as he waited 
the action of New Hampshire and Virginia. Finally came 
the news that New Hampshire had adopted the constitution 
by a vote of 57 to 46. This made the ninth state but still 
New York held back. The opposition finally proposed a 
conditional ratification, with a long list of amendments. Smith 
proposed ratification with the right to withdraw if the amend- 
ments were not accepted. Hamilton discussed this, making 
a clear, logical and brilliant speech, so convincing that Mr. 
Smith admitted that a conditional ratification was an ab- 
surdity. 

On the 20th of June, Virginia ratified the constitution by 
a vote of 89 to 79. Mr. Smith then announced that the 
arguments of Hamilton had convinced him that both the 
welfare of the nation and of the state demanded the adoption 
of the constitution. After that the matter resolved itself into 
a question of phraseology. The vote was 30 to 27. Hamilton 
had won a great victory for his country. It was purely an 
intellectual victory for himself. He had not the magnetism of 
Clay. He did not win because of his personality. 

While enough states had accepted the constitution to in- 
sure the new government without New York, the vote of that 
state was hardly less important on that account. While in 
population New York was fifth, it was first in most respects. 
In military importance, financially and commercially it was 
first. Had New York not entered the union there would have 
been the New England group of states on the north separated 
by a foreign power from the states on the south, and under 
such circumstances the union would have been short-lived. 
So, it is to the adopted son of New York that we owe the 
existence of our government. Without his influence the effort 
to form a union could not have succeeded. Nothing is clearer 
than that. 

While it is outside the original purpose of this sketch, it 
may not be out of place to present another matter in which 

297 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Hamilton rendered a service to the country, second only to 
that of securing the adoption of the constitution ; in fact, it 
made secure the perpetuity of the government that had been 
organized. In Washington's administration the management 
of the finances was a matter of immediate and great impor- 
tance. The states were not yet welded together even if they 
had agreed to come under the same form of government. The 
nation was in debt. Every state was in debt. Neither the 
states nor the nation were in position to pay their debts. 
Hamilton proposed to have the nation assume three classes 
of debts: 

1. The foreign debt. 

2. Domestic debts. 

3. Debts owed by the several state governments to pri- 
vate citizens. 

There was much discussion over these propositions, espe- 
cially the last, but in the end Hamilton succeeded in carry- 
ing out his policy and so contributed largely to bind the states 
more firmly together. To insure funds Hamilton provided for 
a tariff both for revenue and for protection, and the young 
nation was soon in a position to pay its debts and command 
the respect of the nations of the earth. 

In preparing the preceding chapter the following authorities were 
consulted and acknowledgments are hereby rendered for assistance 
received : 

Alexander, D. S., Political Histoi-y of the State of New York. 

CONANT, C. A., Alexander Hamilton. 

FiSKE, John, Critical Period of American History. 

, Essays Historical and Literary. 

Hamilton, Allan McLane, Life of Alexander Hamilton. 

Lodge, Henry Cabot, Alexander Hamilton. 

Oliver, Frederick Stott, Alexander Hamilton. 

Sumner, William G., Alexander Hamilton. 

TowNSEND, Edward Waterman, Our Constitution. 

Debates and Proceedings of the Convention of the State of New 
York Assembled at Poughkeepsie on the 17th of June, 1778. 



XIV 

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON AND THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE 

The acquisition of Louisiana is commonly credited to 
Thomas Jefferson but if he, and he only, had had to do with 
the negotiations with France, Louisiana in all probability 
would never have been ours. Jefferson did not believe that 
we had any authority under the Constitution to acquire for- 
eign territory and when, in the course of events, he became 
convinced that the possession of New Orleans was necessary 
to our existence as a nation and that to prevent endless dis- 
putes it was wise to acquire all the territory east of the 
Mississippi, he was still unalterably opposed to the acquisi- 
tion of a foot of land west of the Mississippi, and wrote in 
the strongest terms against any attempt to make such acquisi- 
tion. He declared that that section was mainly a desert and 
that it would not be settled for a thousand years and that, in 
case we secured it, we would find it an endless bill of expense 
and source of trouble. 

When all that vast territory was virtually thrown at us 
by Napoleon, and Livingston had executed a treaty with 
France for its purchase, Jefferson was greatly surprised and 
embarrassed beyond expression. He wished to delay action 
till an amendment to the Constitution could be enacted 
authorizing the purchase — a course that would have so delayed 
matters that Napoleon would undoubtedly have withdrawn 
the treaty. The truth is that circumstances forced Jefferson, 
much against his will, to consent to the purchase of Louisiana. 
The Senate gladly approved the treaty. 

One needs to have a pretty clear idea of the general situa- 
tion in order to fully appreciate how Louisiana came to be 
ours. France and England had had a long struggle for the 

299 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

possession of Canada, and when England became the victor 
France was left with a vast stretch of country that had no 
outlet except by the way of the Mississippi and the Gulf of 
Mexico. This great territory, for reasons that were deemed 
convincing, was ceded to Spain. This ended the hopes of 
France for building up a great colonial power. But when 
Napoleon dominated France and determined her policy he at 
once set about trying to recover the American territory that 
France had given to Spain. Spain possessed this territory. 
France wanted it. England did not wish her to have it. It 
was becoming necessary to the United States, at least enough 
of it to enable us to control the lower Mississippi. Jefferson, 
who had been elected President, did not believe in a strong 
central government. He believed that we had no authority 
for acquiring foreign territory. Altogether it was a perplex- 
ing situation. 

Jefferson tried to persuade Livingston to enter his cabinet 
as secretary of the navy. Failing in this, he made him Minis- 
ter to France. Livingston had formerly been a Federalist, as 
had all the numerous members of the influential Livingston 
family. When they came to the support of Jefferson, it was 
an acquisition worth having. 

"What manner of a man was it that Jefferson had sent to 
France to enforce the spoliation claims against that country 
and to secure a right of way down the Mississippi, for this is 
what was expected of our minister to France? Robert R. 
Livingston was born at Clermont, New York, in 1746. He 
graduated from King's College when only eighteen years of 
age and soon became one of the leading men of his time. He 
was a member of the Continental Congress in 1775, 1776 and 
1777. He was one of the committee of five appointed to draft 
the Declaration of Independence. He was a member of the 
committee appointed to draft the first constitution of the 
state of New York. He was secretary of foreign affairs, the 
most important position under the Confederation, from 1781 ■ 
to 1783. He was chancellor of the state of New York from 
1777 to ^809 ^ He was one of the most influential members of 

300 




Robert R. Livingston 



THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE 

the New York State Convention that adopted the Federal 
Constitution. He opened the debate at that convention with 
an address that was remarkable for its learning, lucidity and 
force. 

As soon as Livingston reached France, he heard rumors 
that Louisiana had been re-ceded to that country. Talley- 
rand, when asked about it, said that there had been conversa- 
tion in regard to the matter but that nothing had been de- 
cided; yet at this very time the treaty had been made and 
our minister to England knew the text of it. Technically, 
Talleyrand may have told the truth as at that time the treaty 
had not been signed and was not for some considerable time 
thereafter. 

Livingston put forth every effort to induce Napoleon to 
make a satisfactory arrangement with the United States, but 
did not receive the slightest encouragement ; in fact. Napoleon 
wanted the country for himself, wanted all of it, and cared 
nothing about the wishes or the needs of the feeble country 
across the sea. Livingston prepared a very complete state- 
ment to present to Talleyrand. He showed him how impor- 
tant, how absolutely necessary, an outlet down the Mississippi 
was to the United States, and how useless that territory was 
to France ; that in case of another war with England, France 
could not hope to hold the country. But it seemed idle talk. 
In the meantime the situation changed. Napoleon decided to 
take possession of the Island of St. Domingo, preparatory to 
occupying New Orleans. This alarmed Jefferson, who wrote 
Livingston in regard to the reported retrocession of Louisiana 
by Spain, saying: 



It completely reverses all of the political relations of the United 
States and will form a new epoch in our political course. . . . There 
is upon the globe one single spot the possessor of which is our nat- 
ural and habitual enemy. It is New Orleans, through which the 
produce of three-eighths of our ten'itory must pass to market, and 
from its fertility it will ere long yield more than one-half our whole 
produce and contain more than one-half our inhabitants. France, 

301 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

placing herself in that door, assumes to us the attitude of defiance. 
Spain might have retained it quietly for years. Her pacific disposi- 
tion, her feeble state, would induce her to increase her facilities there, 
so that her possession of the place would hardly be felt by us, and 
it would not, perhaps, be veiy long before some circumstance might 
arise which might make the cession of it to us the price of something 
of more worth to her. Not so can it ever be in the hands of France; 
the impetuosity of her temper, the energy and restlessness of her 
character, placed in a point of eternal friction with us and our char- 
acter, which, though quiet and loving peace and pursuit of wealth, 
is high-minded, despising wealth in competition with insult or iujui-y, 
enterprising and energetic as any nation on earth; these circum- 
stances render it impossible that France and the United States can 
long continue friends when they meet in so irritable a position. 
They, as well as we, must be blind if they do not see this; and we 
must be very improvident if we do not begin to make arrangements 
on that hypothesis. The day that France takes possession of New 
Oiieans fixes the sentence which is to restrain her forever within her 
low water mark. It seals the union of two nations who in conjunc- 
tion maintain exclusive possession of the ocean. From that moment 
we must many ourselves to the British fleet and nation." 

When Jefferson first learned that Spain had ceded Louisi- 
ana to France it did not disturb him at all. In fact, he 
seemed rather pleased. He wrote Livingston intimating that 
it might be well to secure West Florida of Spain through the 
influence of France, saying: "Such proof on the part of 
France of goodwill toward the United States would contribute 
to reconcile the latter to France 's possession of New Orleans. ' ' 
But when it became apparent that France wanted the whole 
country and was to proceed to build up a powerful govern- 
ment there, things looked quite different. It was a year later, 
after Napoleon had occupied St. Domingo and, by his arbi- 
trary acts, aroused and incensed the American merchants and 
shipmasters, that Jefferson saw a new light and wrote Living- 
ston as just stated. 

On the 22d of November, 1801, Leclerc, Napoleon's 
brother-in-law, sailed to St. Domingo with ten thousand men. 
On the following September he wrote Napoleon that of the 

302 



THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE 

twenty-eight thousand men that had been sent to St. Domingo 
only four thousand were fit for duty, and that if he were to 
conquer the island he must have twelve thousand more men at 
once and five thousand more the following spring. A month 
later, Leclerc died of yellow fever and the attempt to possess 
St. Domingo was abandoned. 

In 1791 the negroes of St. Domingo, under the leadership 
of Touissant L'Ouverture, rose against their masters and 
gained possession of nearly all of the island. "When Leclerc 
came to St. Domingo, L'Ouverture was captured through 
treachery, and sent to France, where he died in prison. But 
the French could not imprison the yellow fever, and disease 
aided the blacks to defeat the French. Little do the people 
of the United States appreciate what they owe to Touissant 
L'Ouverture. General Victor had been selected to occupy 
New Orleans, but it was not deemed wise to occupy that place 
unless the French held the key to the Gulf, and that had been 
prevented by the negroes of St. Domingo. 

With the defeat of the French in the West Indies, and 
their abandonment of the island they had lost so many men 
in an effort to subdue, Jefferson again changed his attitude 
and wrote Livingston that the possession of Louisiana by the 
French "was not important enough to risk a breach of 
peace." 

On the 16th of October, 1802, Morales, the Spanish In- 
tendant, withdrew the right of deposit at New Orleans, wiping 
out with the stroke of a pen all that had been gained by a 
decade of diplomacy. The people of Kentucky and Tennessee 
were wild with anger. The King of Spain, in the treaty of 
1795, had agreed to "permit the citizens of the United States 
for the space of three years from this time to deposit their 
merchandise and effects in the port of New Orleans and to 
export them from thence without paying any other duty than 
a fair price for the hire of stores, and His ]\Iajesty promises 
to continue this permission if he finds during that time it is 
not prejudicial to the interests of Spain, or, if he should not 
continue thus, he will assign to them on another part of thQ 

303 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

banks of the Mississippi an equivalent establishment." The 
three years expired during Adams's administration without 
any action whatever being taken by Spain. 

Previous to the Revolution Daniel Boone and a few others 
had crossed the Alleghenies from North Carolina, Virginia, 
and Pennsylvania and entered the rich valleys of the Ohio 
and Kentucky. After the close of the war a steady stream 
of settlers crossed the mountains to the fertile lands and excel- 
lent hunting grounds of Kentucky and Tennessee. The popu- 
lation increased rapidly and, at the time under consideration, 
there were probably forty thousand people west of the moun- 
tains. Great crops were raised, but it cost them more to carry 
their produce across the mountains than it was worth. Their 
only outlet was by the way of the INIississippi and, when they 
were deprived of this, their condition was pitiful. It was a 
condition not to be endured. They and their friends in the 
east were willing to fight if need be for the right to use the 
Mississippi River. 

Jefferson, in his first inaugural address, declared that the 
country was "large enough for our descendants to the thou- 
sand thousandth generation." He could not consistently 
advocate a great expansion of territory soon after making 
this declaration. When Congress assembled, Jefferson stated 
that the cession of Louisiana to France would make a change 
in our foreign relations, but gave no idea of what the change 
would be or what his purposes were. But Congress was not 
so moderate. 

On the 14th of February, 1803, James Ross of Pennsyl- 
vania made an address in the Senate in which he said : 

To the free navigation of the Mississippi, we had an undoubted 
right by nature, and from the position of our western countiy. This 
right and the right of deposit in the Island of New Orleans had been 
acknowledged and fixed by treaty in 1795. That treaty had been in 
actual operation and execution for many years; and now, without 
any pretense of abuse or violation on our part the oflScers of the 
Spanish government deny that right, refuse the place of deposit, 

304 



THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE 

and add the most offensive of all insults by forbidding us from land- 
ing on any part of their territoiy and shutting us out as a common 
nuisance. . . . Why not seize, then, what is so essential to us as a 
nation? Why not expel the wrongdoers? Wrongdoers by their own 
confession, to whom by seizure we are doing no injury. Paper con- 
tracts or treaties have proved too feeble. Plant yourselves on the 
river, fortify the banks, invite those who have an interest at stake to 
defend it; do justice to yourselves when your adversaries deny it; 
and leave the event to Him who controls the fate of nations. 



On the 15tli of February a confidential message was re- 
ceived by the Senate from the House transmitting a bill 
placing two million dollars at the disposal of the President 
for the purchase of New Orleans and East and West Florida. 

On the 16th Mr. Ross of Pennsylvania introduced a series 
of resolutions authorizing the President to take immediate 
possession of New Orleans and the adjacent territory, and to 
call into active Service the militia of South Carolina, Georgia, 
Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee or the Mississippi Territory. On 
the 22d the member from Delaware supported the resolution 
of Mr. Ross by a speech, as did Gouverneur Morris of New 
York. 

Jefferson did not wish to act hastily, or at all, if he could 
help it. It was apparent that he must do something, or seem 
to do so, if he were to have the future support of the country, 
so he nominated Monroe as a special envoy to France and 
Spain, not that he expected Monroe would be more efficient 
than Livingston had been but that the appointment would 
look as though the government intended to do something, and 
so appease the people of the West, who were demanding that 
they be protected and threatening secession in case they were 
not given it. If they could be quieted for a time no one knew 
what might happen, so thought Jefferson, who wrote Governor 
Garrard of Kentucky saying that IMonroe was about to set 
out for France ''to secure our rights and interests on the 
Mississippi and in the country eastward of that." 

IMadison, in writing to Pinckney, our Minister to Spain, 

305 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

speaking of the action of the Intendant Morales in regard to 
the right of deposit at New Orleans and the feeling of the 
western people regarding the Mississippi, said : ' ' The Missis- 
sippi to them is everything. It is the Hudson, the Delaware, 
the Potomac and all the navigable rivers of the Atlantic states 
formed into one stream." 

Livingston, in writing to Madison regarding the retroces- 
sion by Spain, said : 

I have every reason to believe that the Floridas are not included. 
They will, for the present at least, remain in the hands of Spain. 
There never was a government with which less could be done by 
negotiations than here. There is no people, no legislature, no coun- 
selors. One man is everything. He seldom asks advice and never 
hears it unasked. His ministers are mere clerks and his legislature 
and counselors parade officers. Though the sense of eveiy reflecting 
man about him is against this wild expedition, no one dares tell him 
so. Were it not for the uneasiness it excites at home, it would give 
me none, for I am persuaded that the whole will end in a relinquish- 
ment of the country and transfer of the capital to the United States. 

When Monroe sailed for France the administration at 
Washington assured the French minister that New Orleans 
was a necessity for the Americans and of no use to France. 
This minister wrote Talleyrand that it was impossible for a 
government to be more bitter than was the United States. 

In April, 1803, the Spanish minister at Washington in- 
formed Madison that a special messenger from his government 
reported that the right of deposit would be restored. At this 
time Napoleon had reached the conclusion to abandon his 
colonial enterprise. Just what influenced him may never be 
known ; possibly his hatred of England was the chief reason. 

When Monroe sailed for France his instructions were 
rather general, but provided for three contingencies : 

1. The purchase of New Orleans and the Floridas for 
any sum not exceeding ten million dollars; 

2. If Napoleon would not sell any territory, not even a 
few square miles upon which a post might be built, a renewal 

306 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

of the right of deposit was to be asked on as favorable terms 
as possible; 

3. If nothing could be accomplished, special instructions 
were to be sent to Monroe. 

Secretary Madison stated that the United States had no 
disposition to acquire any territory beyond the Mississippi, 
nor to take the slightest step in that direction. It is perfectly 
clear that when Monroe sailed for France neither he, Mad- 
ison, nor Jefferson had any thought of acquiring the vast 
territory that came to us, or that there was on their part any 
special desire to acquire anything more than a perfectly 
secure right of way down the Mississippi. 

This was the situation when, on Sunday, April 10th, 
Napoleon summoned Talleyrand and Marbois to meet him at 
St. Cloud for a secret council. Here he announced his pur- 
pose to cede Louisiana. The next day Napoleon sent for 
Marbois and said to him : 



I renounce Louisiana. It is not only New Orleans that I wish to 
cede, it is the whole colony without reserving anything of it. I know 
the value of what I abandon, and I have proved sufficiently the 
importance that I attach to that province, since my first diplomatic 
act with Spain was for the object of its recovery. I renounce it 
therefore with great regret. To insist upon its presei'vation would 
be madness. I direct you to negotiate this affair with envoys of Con- 
gress. Do not even wait for the arrival of Mr. Monroe; have an 
interview this very day with Mr. Livingston. But I have need of a 
great deal of money for this war, and I should not like to begin it 
with new contributions. For a hundred years France and Spain have 
been incun'ing expenses for improvements in Louisiana, whose trade 
has never indemnified them. Large sums have been lent to com- 
panies and to agi'iculturists and they will never be reimbursed to the 
treasury. The price of all these things is justly due to us. If I were 
to regulate my terms on what these vast teiritories will be worth to 
the United States, the indemnities would have no limits. I shall be 
moderate, in consideration of the necessity to sell in which I am. 
But remember this well; I want fifty millions, and for less than that 
amount I shall not treat. I would rather make a desperate attempt 

308 



THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE 

to keep these beautiful countries. Tomorrow you will have full 
powers. 

That very day, Monday, April 11, 1803, Talleyrand 
learned what instructions had been given Marbois and, meet- 
ing Livingston, asked him if the United States wished to have 
the whole of Louisiana. Our minister was greatly surprised 
and replied that they wished only New Orleans and the Flor- 
idas, but he thought that France might as well sell that part 
of Louisiana north of the Arkansas River, as that part of the 
country would be of no use to France. Talleyrand replied 
that with New Orleans in the possession of the United States, 
no part of Louisiana would be of any use to France, and 
asked what the United States would give for the whole coun- 
try. Livingston said that he had not given that matter any 
thought, but he presumed the Americans would be willing to 
pay 20,000,000 francs provided France would pay the citizens 
of the United States for spoliation claims since 1800. Talley- 
rand declared the sum altogether too small and Livingston 
closed the interview by saying he would think the matter 
over. From this moment Livingston was determined upon 
the purchase, but proposed to make the best terms possible. 
He had a broader vision than Jefferson and saw possibilities 
in the vast territory that Jefferson never dreamed of. The 
next day Talleyrand and Livingston had another interview 
without result. 

Livingston had an interview with Marbois the evening of 
Wednesday, April 13th, in which terms were discussed. Late 
that night he wrote Secretary Madison, saying: 

As to the quantum I have 3'et made up no opinion. The field open 
to us is infinitely larger than our instructions contemplate, the rev- 
enue increasing, and the land more adequate to sink the capital, 
should we even go to the sum proposed by Marbois, nay, I persuade 
myself that the whole sum may be raised by the sale of territory 
west of the Mississippi, with the right of sovereignty, to some power 
in Europe, whose vicinity we should not fear. I speak now without 
. reflection and without having seen Mr. Monroe, as it was near mid- 
309 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

night when I left the treasury office and it is now near three o'clock. 
It is so very important that you should be apprized that a negotia- 
tion is actually opened even before Mr. Monroe has been presented,! 
in order to calm the tumult which the news of war will renew, that II 
have lost no time in communicating it. We shall do all that we cam 
to cheapen the purchase but my present sentiment is that we shall 1 
buy. 

From this time to the actual signing of the treaty, there 
was constant dickering. Livingston and Monroe tried to 
cheapen the property saying that West Florida was made up 
of "barren sands and sunken marshes," and that New Or- 
leans was "a small town built of wood," and that the terri- 
tory was "valuable to the United States only because it con- 
tained the mouths of some of their rivers." 

Livingston grew very anxious, as his correspondence 
shows, lest something should prevent the consummation of the 
proposed purchase. It was finally agreed to pay France $15,- 
000,000, but one-third of this sum was to be devoted to the 
liquidation of the claims of American citizens against France. 
The treaty was signed on the 2d of May, 1803. After the 
treaty was signed. Napoleon said : ' ' This accession of terri- 
tory strengthens forever the power of the United States, and 
I have just given to England a maritime rival that will sooner 
or later humble her pride." Livingston said to Monroe and 
Marbois : * ' We have lived long, but this is the noblest work of 
our lives." 

Jefferson was thunderstruck when he learned that a treaty 
had been made for the purchase of the whole of Louisiana. 
On May 13, 1803, Livingston and Monroe wrote Madison, 
saying that they knew they had exceeded their powers but 
expressing their confidence that they had acted wisely. They 
said: 

By this measure we have sought to carry into effect, to the utmost 
of our power, the wise and benevolent policy of our government, on 
the principles laid down in our institutions. The possession of the 
left bank of the river, bad it been attainable, alone would, it is true, 

310 



THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE 

have accomplished much in that respect, but it is equally true that it 
would have left much still to be accomplished. By it our people 
would have had an outlet to the ocean, in which no power would 
have had a right to disturb them ; but while the other bank remained 
in the possession of a foreign power, circumstances might occur to 
make the neighborhood of such power highly injurious to us in many 
of our most important concerns. A divided jurisdiction over the 
river might beget jealousies, discontents, and dissensions, which the 
wisest policy on our part could not prevent or control. With a train 
of colonial governments established along the western bank, from 
the entrance of the river far into the interior, under the command of 
military men, it would be difficult to prescribe that state of things 
which would be necessary to the peace and tranquillity of our country, 
A single act of a capricious, unfriendly or unprincipled subaltern 
might wound our best interests, violate our most unquestionable 
rights and involve us in war. But by this acquisition, which com- 
prises within our limits this great river, and all the streams which 
empty into it from their sources to the ocean, the apprehension of 
all these disasters is banished for ages from the United States. . . . 
We separate ourselves in a great measure from the European world 
and its concerns, especially its wars and intrigues. We make in fine 
a great stride to real and substantial independence. 

What to do with the treaty was a question of great anxiety 
to Jefferson. He did not believe that the Constitution war- 
ranted the acquisition of foreign territory. It is not probable 
that he ever changed his mind on that point, but he felt that 
the life of the nation made the possession of the Mississippi a 
necessity, and the life of the nation was more to be considered 
than the authority of the Constitution. First, Jefferson 
thought of giving the land west of the Mississippi to the 
Indians in return for their holdings on the east side of it. 
Then, he considered amending the Constitution so as to 
authorize the purchase of Louisiana, but his political friends 
told him that this would be suicidal ; that the Federalists 
would oppose him ; that there would be a long and acrimoni- 
ous debate ; that bitter feelings would be aroused ; and Living- 
ston wrote home that a delay would very likely result in the 
withdrawal of the treaty by Napoleon and that there was a 

311 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

strong feeling against the treaty both in France and in Spain. 
Therefore, Jefferson reluctantly advocated its confirmation. 
It was a popular measure and easily secured the necessary 
votes in Congress. Of course there was opposition. There 
always is to any measure of moment. The opposition urged 
that "France had no right to cede it; that the United States 
had no right to receive it; that under the conditions of 
the treaty it was not worth having on any terms; that it 
would destroy the balance of the Union; that it would draw 
valued inhabitants from other parts of the United States; 
that it would poison the settlers; that the treaty was an 
extra-constitutional proceeding; that the President and 
the Senate did not represent the opinion of the country ; 
and that patriotic men ought to oppose such a pernicious 
measure. ' ' 

The treaty was approved and the territory of the country 
was doubled. One citizen of New York had given us a form 
of government under which the people might prosper ; an- 
other, Robert Livingston, had given us a country to govern. 
But for him the United States would have consisted of little 
more than a narrow strip of land along the Atlantic Coast. 
But Livingston was robbed of his laurels. The country was 
made to believe that the acquisition of Louisiana was the 
work of Jefferson and Monroe. Livingston made enemies by 
his success. He had accomplished what Jefferson and Mad- 
ison had not dared ask for, and which they did not want, but 
the treaty was popular and it was a political necessity that 
Livingston be robbed of his laurels; otherwise his popularity 
might interfere with the political plans of those in power. 
It was not a difficult task to prevent a popular uprising for 
Livingston. He was not popular. Hale speaks of him as 
"The Most Illustrious American of his time," and Franklin 
called him "The Cicero of America," but he was not the type 
of man to appeal to the masses. Alexander says of him that 
"He lacked the creative genius of Hamilton, the prescient 
gifts of Jay, and the skill of Aaron Burr for selfish purposes ; 
but he was at home in debate with the ablest men of his time, 

312 



THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE 

a master of sarcasm, of trenchant wit, and of felicitous 
rhetoric. ' ' 

Time rights many wrongs. The world now knows Charles 
Lee for a traitor and Gates for a pitiable specimen of a man, 
and it is coming to be pretty generally known that we owe the 
great Louisiana territory and the vast other stretches of coun- 
try that came to us as a corollary of the Louisiana purchase, 
to Robert R. Livingston of New York. 

In preparing the preceding chapter the following authorities were 
consulted and acknowledgments are hereby rendered for assistance 
received : 

Alexander, D. S., Political History of the State of New York, 

Channing, Edward, The Jeffersonian System. 

FORTiER, A., A History of the Louisiana Purchase. 

Fuller, Robert Bruce, The Purchase of Florida. 

Hart, Albert Bushnell, Foundations of American Foreign 
Policy. 

HosMER, James K., The Louisiana Purchase. 

Livingston, Edward B., The Livingstons of Livingston Manor. 

Robertson, James A., Louisiana under Spain, France and the 
United States. 

Proceedings of the New York State Historical Association. 



XV 

WILLIAM H. SEWARD AND THE PURCHASE OF ALASKA | 

William H. Seward was born at Florida, Orange County, 
on the 16th of May, 1801. He was of Welsh descent. His 
grandfather, John Seward, was a colonel in the Revolution- 
ary War. His father was a physician, farmer, merchant, 
county politician, magistrate, and in 1804 represented the 
county of Orange in the legislature. Seward's father kept 
slaves as did most of the people at that time who could afford 
to do so. For some reason Seward very early became an 
earnest abolitionist. He noticed that none of the children of 
slaves, except those of his father, attended school. 

When sixteen years of age Seward entered Union College. 
Like many a young man since, young Seward spent more than 
his allowance and incurred debts that his father would not 
pay. The young man became so mortified at his inability to 
pay his debts that he left college some six months before he 
was to graduate and, without notifying his parents, went to 
Georgia and engaged as principal of an academy. He sent a 
paper home that contained an announcement of the school 
with his name as principal. His father wrote to the school 
authorities and said that his son had run away from college 
and was under age, and that he would prosecute anyone who 
harbored him. The outcome was that he returned home, after 
receiving a letter from his sister, who said that his mother 
was prostrated with grief over his actions and other trou- 
bles. He entered an attorney's office for a time, then re- 
entered Union College and completed his course. The title 
of his commencement oration gave some intimation of 
his future career, being, "The Integrity of the American 
Union." 

314 



J 




William H. Seward 



WILLIAM H. SEWARD 

It is not the purpose of this article to give a biography 
of Mr. Seward but merely enough of his career to give some 
idea of the character of the man ; to show why he would be 
likely to favor the territorial extension of our country, and 
why he would have sufficient influence to bring about the 
purchase of Alaska at a time when there was no sentiment 
in favor of such a measure ; and when, in addition to this, 
the country was staggering under an almost overwhelming 
burden of debt, pressed to meet existing expenses, and illy 
prepared to assume additional responsibilities. Seward was 
always an optimist. 

Immediately after graduation Seward entered the law 
office of John Duer at Goshen, where he had studied for a 
time after his return from Georgia. The following spring he 
became a student in the office of John Anthon in New York 
City. In 1832 he returned to Goshen and formed a partner- 
ship with Ogden Hoffman, a brilliant young lawyer, though 
Seward had not yet been admitted to the bar. 

Seward was interested in politics from the outset of his 
career and opposed the Clintonians as the followers of George 
Clinton were called. He was a firm believer in democracy 
as optimists usually are. 

A constitutional convention was called at Albany in 1821 
and Seward was greatly chagrined to find that the "Clin- 
tonians" were more democratic than were the members of 
his own party. He felt that his party really favored slavery, 
to which he was strongly and unalterably opposed. 

In 1822 Seward went to Auburn and formed a partnership 
with Elijah Miller, whose daughter he afterward married. 
He reached Auburn on Christmas morning. It was a maxim 
in those days that a lawyer must eschew society and politics 
and that no newspaper must be seen on any office table. In 
regard to this, he said : "I was practising law only for a com- 
petence, and had no ambition for its honors, still less any 
cupidity for its greater rewards. I thought that my useful- 
ness and my happiness lay in the devotion of what time and 
study could be saved from professional pursuits to promote 

315 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

the interests of the community in which I lived, and of tho 
commonwealth. The newspapers and the magazines of the 
day, therefore, those not only of one party but of both parties, 
were always at my hand, while the law books were only taken 
down from the cases for reference when necessary. I took 
my pew and paid my assessments in church, attended the 
municipal, political and social meetings and caucuses, acting 
generally as secretary. I enrolled myself in the militia and 
wore my musket on parade. I paid my contributions and, 
when required, managed dancing assemblies, although for 
want of skill I have never danced myself. And so I rendered 
to my neighbors and acquaintances such good offices as my 
training and position made convenient." 

This quotation is made for the purpose of showing that 
Seward was not a slave to precedent, which fact is also shown 
in his practice. At that time it was customary for all young 
lawyers to employ more experienced men to try their impor- 
tant cases. This Seward never did, and to this self-reliance 
and self-confidence his success in life was no doubt largely 
due. 

It was in 1828 that Seward first became prominent in poli- 
tics. A convention with about three hundred and fifty dele- 
gates, representing the young men of the state, met at Utica. 
There was a bitter strife over the election of a president of 
the convention. The delegates from New York City demanded 
the choice of their leading delegate. The up-state people 
contended that the election of a man from the city would 
antagonize the country members. After an acrimonious de- 
bate lasting two days in which Seward counseled harmony 
and was not a candidate for office and had not been men- 
tioned for president, a recess was taken and then Seward 
was unanimously chosen — thus early becoming a popular 
leader. 

A meeting of the leaders of the anti-Masonic party was 
held at Albany in 1830. Seward and Thurlow Weed were 
among the most influential men there. The convention ar- 
ranged to establish a paper which was to be known as the 

316 



WILLIAM H. SEWARD 

Albany Evening Journal. Weed was to be editor and man- 
ager. 

On the 11th of September of the same year, there was a 
meeting of members of the anti-Masonic leaders at Philadel- 
phia. There were delegates from New York, Massachusetts, 
Connecticut, Vermont, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, New Jer- 
sey, Delaware, Ohio, Maryland and Michigan. It was at this 
convention that Seward first met Thaddeus Stevens, with 
whom he was so intimately connected in political matters later 
in life. They agreed in their views in regard to popular edu- 
cation, internal improvements, slavery and other matters. It 
was about this time that Seward was elected a member of the 
state Senate. At that time the Senate consisted of thirty-two 
members and they were chosen for four years, one-quarter of 
the body being elected each year. 

As early as 1831 — the date of the savage outbreak of the 
negro slaves at Southampton, Virginia — Seward warned the 
people that it would be necessary to secure the peaceful 
reform of the great evil of slavery, but there was no general 
response to his warnings. 

It was while Seward was in the state Senate that the ques- 
tion of chartering railroads came up. He held that railroads 
should be regarded simply as public highways to be con- 
structed exclusively for the public welfare by the authority 
of the state, and subject to its immediate direction as had 
been the case with the canals. In this view he had no follow- 
ing. Yielding to the views of his associates, he endeavored, 
also without success, to prevent the granting of charters for 
long periods and to hold stockholders personally responsible 
for the acts of the companies. 

In 1838 Seward was elected governor of the state, defeat- 
ing "William L. Marcy, who was a candidate for reelection. 
In his first message he recommended the encouragement of 
immigration and of internal improvements. He favored the 
prosecution of work on the canals and the encouragement of 
the building of railways. The following recommendations 
made by him show the progressive character of the man : He 

317 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

urged the establishment of a Board of Internal Improvements, 
the encouragement of charitable institutions, greater efforts 
for the reclamation of juvenile delinquents, the establishment 
of school district libraries, the education of the colored race, 
the reformation of the practice of the courts so as to lessen 
delays, the cutting off of superfluous offices, the substitution 
of fixed salaries for fees, and the authorization of banking 
under general laws, instead of special charters. These recom- 
mendations were very generally pronounced visionary, but 
they have long since become realities. 

In 1839 the governor of Virginia demanded the extradi- 
tion of three black men M^hom he claimed had aided the escape 
of a slave. Seward in his reply said : ' ' There is no law in this 
state that recognizes slavery — no statute which admits that 
one man can be the property of another, or that one man can 
be stolen from another. On the other hand, our Constitution 
and laws interdict slavery in every form." Seward refused 
to surrender the fugitives. This led to an outburst of indig- 
nation not only from Virginia, but from Missouri, South 
Carolina and other slave-holding states. This controversy 
brought Seward prominently before the country as an anti- 
slavery man. 

Seward was reelected governor in 1840, but was never 
after that a candidate for an office to be filled by a popular 
vote. In the Taylor campaign of 1848 Seward took very posi- 
tive ground against slavery. In a speech made at Cleveland, 
Ohio, among other things he said : 

There are two antagonistical elements of society in America — 
freedom and slavery. Freedom is in harmony with our system of 
government and with the spirit of the age, and is therefore passive 
and quiescent. Slavery is in conflict with that system, with justice 
and with humanity, and is therefore organized, defensive, active, and 
perpetually aggressive. Freedom insists on the emancipation and 
elevation of labor. Slavery demands a soil moistened with tears and 
blood. These elements divide and classify the American people into 
two parties. Each of these two parties has its court and its scepter. 
The throne of one is amid the rocks of the Allegheny Mountains; 

318 



WILLIAM H. SEWARD 

the throne of the other is reared on the sands of South Carolina. 
One of these parties, the party of slavery, regards disunion as among 
the means of defense and not always the last to be employed. The 
other maintains the union of the states, one and inseparable, now 
and forever, as the highest duty of the American people to them- 
selves, to posterity, to mankind. Slavery was once the sin, not of 
some of the states only, but of all of them; not of one nation only, 
but of all nations. No American state has yet delivered itself en- 
tirely. We in New York are guilty of slavery still, by withholding 
the right of suffrage from the race we have emancipated. You in 
Ohio are guilty in the same way, by a system of "black laws" still 
more aristocratic and odious. It is written in the Constitution of the 
United States that five slaves shall count equal to three free men as 
a basis of representation, and it is written also, in violation of the 
Divine Law, that we shall suiTender the fugitive slave who takes 
refuge at our fireside from his relentless pursuers. "What then," you 
say, "can nothing be done because the public conscience is inert?" 
Yes, much can be done — evei'ythmg can be done. Slavery can be 
limited to its present bounds; it can be ameliorated; it can and must 
be abolished, and you and I can and must do it. 



This speech made the attitude of Seward so clear that no 
one after that could fail to know where he stood on the sub- 
ject of slavery. 

In 1849 Seward was chosen United States Senator and the 
same year Ohio sent Salmon P. Chase to the Senate. These 
two men brought to the Senate views quite displeasing to the 
older members, who did not wish the slavery question dis- 
cussed when it could be avoided. They had patched up a 
peace that these two men would not observe. 

Seward entered the Senate as the great controversy over 
the admission of California began. For a long time the Sen- 
ate had been a strong pro-slavery body. Seward was the most 
pronounced anti-slavery man in the Senate. His Cleveland 
speech, already quoted, and the fact that he was one of the 
leaders of the Whig party made him an object of hatred to 
the pro-slavery men, Seward, Chase and Hale were the bit- 
terest opponents of slavery in the Senate and frequently were 

319 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

the only opponents of slavery measures. Seward 's opponents 
in the Senate were arrogant and from outside he received 
every day scurrilous anonymous letters and newspapers with 
marked articles that were abusive and extremely obnoxious, 
but Seward was so constituted that this policy on the part 
of his enemies did not much annoy him, and he never retal- 
iated in kind or indulged in personalities. Early in the ses- 
sion Seward said : "I assail the motives of no senator. I am 
not to be drawn into personal altercations by any interroga- 
tions addressed to me. I acknowledge the patriotism, the wis- 
dom, the purity of every member of this body. I never have 
assailed the motives of honorable senators in any instance. I 
never shall. When my own are assailed, I shall stand upon 
my own position. My life and acts must speak for me. I 
shall not be my own defender or advocate." He adhered to 
this position during the whole of his senatorial career. 

In connection with the right of petition, which the south- 
ern representatives objected to in all matters relating to 
slavery, Seward said: "I have not yet seen the petition of any 
human being that I would not receive, and I do not know that 
I ever shall. The Constitution imposes no restriction or modi- 
fication upon the right of petition. We are not above giving 
reasons to our fellow-men. The Senate of the United States 
is not above the petition of the humblest citizen of the United 
States." 

In advocating the admission of California, Seward, in dis- 
cussing the claims of the slaveholders that they had a right 
under the Constitution to go into the new territories and 
carry their slaves with them — thus virtually establishing slav- 
ery there — said : ' ' The Constitution regulates our steward- 
ship ; the Constitution devotes the domain to union, to justice, 
to defense, to welfare, and to liberty. But there is a higher 
law than the Constitution, which regulates our authority over 
the domain and devotes it to the same noble purposes. ' ' 

Replying to threats of disunion Seward said : ' ' What is 
all this for? Wliat intolerable wrong, what unfraternal in- 
justice, have rendered these calamities unavoidable? What 

320 



WILLIAM H. SEWARD 

gain will this unnatural revolution bring to us ? The answer 
will be: all this is done to secure the institution of African 
slavery. When that answer shall be given it will appear that 
the question of dissolving' the Union is a complex question; 
that it embraces the fearful issue, whether the Union shall 
stand, and slavery, under the steady, peaceful action of moral, 
social and political causes, be removed by gradual, voluntary 
effort, and with compensation, or whether the Union shall be 
dissolved, and civil war ensue, bringing violent hut complete 
and immediate emancipation. We are now arrived at that 
stage of our national progress when that crisis can be fore- 
seen — when we must foresee it." 

In 1859-1860 Seward visited Europe. The Eepublican 
party was expected to nominate him for the presidency. He 
was most feared of any man in the north by the slaveholders 
of the south. One southerner offered to be one of a hundred 
to pay five hundred dollars each for the head of William H. 
Seward. A prominent southern journal wrote of him as fol- 
lows : 



The great arch agitator, William H. Seward, has just returned 
to this country after an eight months' tour in Europe and Asia. 
From the time he landed in New York until he reached his home in 
Auburn, he was feasted, toasted and caressed with an adulation sur- 
passing anything which has occurred for years. His homeward 
course was the triumphal march of a victorious general. At New 
York, Albany, Utica, Rome, Syracuse and Auburn, he was met by 
tens and hundreds of thousands. Bells were rung, buildings were 
decorated, salutes were fired, speeches were made, and an ovation of 
which a monarch would have felt proud was given to the dis- 
tinguished Black Republican Senator. Why all this enthusiasm! 
Why all tliis immense outpouring of the North to do honor to a great 
Abolition agitator? We answer because the political sentiments of 
Mr. Seward harmonize with that of the gi^eat mass of northern senti- 
ment. Mr. Seward is a great political leader. Unlike others who 
are willing to follow in the wake of popular sentiment Seward leads. 
He stands a head and shoulders above them all. He marshals his 
forces and directs the way. The Abolition host follow. However we 

321 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

may differ from William H. Seward, we concede to him honesty of 
purpose and the highest order of talent. He takes no halfway 
grounds. He does nothing by halves. Bold, fearless, talented, and 1 
possessed of all the requirements of a great political leader, turning ,' 
neither to the right nor to the left, gifted with a self-possession pos- • 
sessed by few men, he listens to the assaults of his enemies, with the :• 
most perfect nonchalance, and receives the warm greetings of his i 
friends with a wonderful composure. He is at once the greatest and 1 
the most dangerous man in the government. The biographer of John i 
Quincy Adams, and the follower in his footsteps, he caught the falling ; 
mantle of the great defender of Abolition petitions, none other • 
being more worthy. For eighteen years he has stood forth in 
the Senate, the great champion of freedom, and the stern opposer 
of slavery. He has fought us at eveiy step, disputed every inch 
of gTOund. 

The purpose of this article was doubtless to arouse the 
most bitter feeling against Seward on the part of the South,, 
and to prepare the way for secession in case the Republicans 
elected their president, it being taken for granted that Seward 
would be their candidate. 

The friends of Seward were greatly disappointed that 
Lincoln secured the Republican nomination for the presidency. 
Seward supported him most earnestly, making many effective 
speeches over a wide extent of country. When Lincoln formed 
his cabinet he made Seward Secretary of State, a position 
which the latter filled with great credit. It is not the 
purpose of this article to treat of Seward as Secretary of 
State except in regard to matters relating to the purchase 
of Alaska. In this connection it is of interest to note one 
statement made by Seward during the campaign that resulted 
in the election of Lincoln. In his speech at St. Paul he said: 
"Standing here and looking far off into the northeast, I 
see the Russian as he busily occupies himself in establishing 
seaports, towns and fortifications on the verge of this con- 
tment as the outposts of St. Petersburg!!, and I can say, 
' Go on and build up your outposts all along the coast, up even 
to the Arctic Ocean, they will yet become the outposts of 

322 



WILLIAM H. SEWARD 

my own country — monuments of the civilization of the United 
States in the northwest.' " 

The Russians had long ago been willing to give up Alaska 
provided it went into friendly hands. They did not wish 
Great Britain to have it. During the Crimean war, a secret 
proposal was made to President Pierce to cede Alaska to the 
United States but it was feared that this would lead to com- 




ALEUTIAN ISLAW)*, 



plications wdth England, The matter came up again and 
more openly in 1859 but the slaveholding interests effectually 
squelched the ambitions of President Buchanan in this matter. 
The Anglo-Saxon race has an insatiable greed for land 
and the people of the United States have not been free from 
it. It was this, in the main, that led to the most unjust 
war against Mexico and the robbery of Mexican territory. 
It was the same land hunger that led us to seek Cuba before 
the Civil War, and St. Thomas and St. Domingo after it. 
It was this characteristic that led the people to approve of 
the purchase of Alaska. The Anglo-Saxon never loses an 
opportunity to acquire additional territory and never will- 

323 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

ingly gives up any. There are now some signs that the 
national hunger for more land has been satisfied, or at least 
is not so acute as formerly. 

Russia wished to sell Alaska and offered it to us. Seward 
fairly jumped at the offer. The treaty was signed on the 
30th of March, 1867, and ratified by the Senate only ten days 
later, with only two dissenting votes. There was some opposi- 
tion in the House of Representatives when voting an appro- 
priation to pay Russia, but Seward had read everything 
to be had bearing upon Alaska and its products and made an 
able defense of his action. The condemnations of the purchase 
of Alaska read very much like the protests against the 
purchase of Louisiana at an earlier date, except in that case 
there was no allusion to icebergs and polar bears. 

When France and England were contemplating the recog- 
nition of the Confederacy and we were in great danger of 
becoming involved in a war with these powers, a Russian 
fleet appeared at San Francisco and another at New York 
where they remained for some months. "What were the in- 
structions given the Russian commanders by the government 
of Russia is not known, nor is it known what communications, 
if any, passed between the Russian government and the gov- 
ernments of France and England, but after the arrival of 
the Russian fleets the tone of the French and the British 
press was modified perceptibly. It was generally believed 
that Russia stood our staunch friend in a time of great need 
and this led the people of our country to be favorably dis- 
posed toward anything that Russia might wish. 

The vote in the House of Representatives on the bill 
appropriating money for the purchase of Alaska was 113 
in favor to 43 opposed. In the debate the proposition was 
denounced and ridiculed. Alaska was called "Seward's 
Folly," ''Johnson's Polar Bear," "A barren, worthless, God- 
forsaken region." The products were said to be "icebergs 
and polar bears," "a few wretched fish," etc. 

]VIr. Washburne, a member of the House of Representa- 
tives, in opposing the appropriation, said : 

324 



WILLIAM H. SEWARD 

"First, that at the time the treaty for Alaska was 
negotiated, not a soul in the whole United States asked for it. 

"Second, that it was secretly negotiated, and in a manner 
to prevent the representatives of the people from being heard. 

"Third, that by existing treaties we possess every right 
that is of any value to us without the responsibility and never- 
ending expense of governing a nation of savages. 

"Fourth, that the country ceded is absolutely without 
value. 

"Fifth, that it is the right and duty of the House to 
inquire into the treaty, and to vote or to not vote the money 
according to its best judgment." 

General Butler, in sustaining Mr. Washburne, said: "If 
we are to pay this price as usury on the friendship of Russia, 
we are paying for it very dear indeed. If we must pay 
for her friendship, I desire to give her the seven million 
two hundred thousand dollars in cash and let her keep Alaska, 
because I think it may be a small sum to give for the friend- 
ship, if we could only get rid of the land, or rather the ice, 
which we are to get by paying for it." 

Mr. Peters of Maine said the territory was "intrinsically 
worthless, the conclusive proof of which was found in the 
fact that Russia was willing to sell it." 

It was but natural that such criticisms should have been 
made, as but little was known of Alaska and that little was 
not favorable. The country was first explored by Russian 
officers in 1741. Soon after, Russian traders and trappers 
entered the country. The first settlement was made at Three 
Saints on Kodiak Island in 1784. The trade and regulation 
of the Russian possessions in America were granted to the 
Russian- American Company in 1799, for a period of twenty 
years. This grant was twice renewed for similar periods. 

Sitka was founded in 1804 and made the seat of govern- 
ment. In 1821 Russia attempted to exclude foreign navigators 
from Behring Sea. This caused a controversy between Russia 
on the one hand and the United States and Great Britain on 
the other. The question was settled by treaties of 1824 and 

325 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

1825. "Seward's Folly" has proved a most profitable invest- 
ment. It is probable that its value is not yet fully known. 
More than a hundred million dollars' worth of salmon has 
been taken from Alaskan waters. Furs to the value of more 
than forty millions have been brought from our new territory. 
Great quantities of gold and silver have been mined. The 
richest copper mines in the world are to be found in Alaska. 
An immense amount of coal exists in the country, as well 
as vast deposits of iron. The value of the territory for 
naval purposes is very great and is likely to be greater in the 
future. The country has great quantities of kimber, mainly 
spruce. Alaska is coming to be a popular summer trip, and 
an attractive hunting field. The Yukon, the great river of 
Alaska, is twenty-three hundred miles long and sixty 
miles wide at its mouth. The population of the country is 
about seventy thousand, about one-half being white people. 
The government consists of a legislature made up of eight 
senators and sixteen representatives, and a governor 
appointed by the President. There are now about three 
hundred miles of railroad in the territory and eight hundred 
miles of wagon roads besides sled roads and trails. The 
exports amount to about $30,000,000 annually. 

In preparing the preceding chapter the following authorities were 
consulted and acknowledgments are hereby rendered for assistance 
received : 

Hale, E. E., William H. Seward. 

LoTHROP, T. K., William Heni-y Seward. 

Seward, F. W., Seward at Washington. 

Seward, William H., Autobiography with Memoirs. 

Welles, Gideon, Lincohi and Seward. 

Various Public Documents relating to Alaska. 



XVI 



THE EEIE CANAL AND THE COMMEKCIAL SUPREMACY OF 
THE STATE OF NEW YORK 

When Sullivan's expedition passed through the beautiful 
Genesee Valley, representatives of six states saw the immense 
cleared fields of marvelously fertile soil with growing corn 
so tall that a man riding through it on horseback would be 
hidden from sight. This made a great impression on those 
who came from the rocky fields and sterile soil of New Eng- 
land. When western New York was thrown open for settle- 
ment, these men and those to whom they had told of the 
rich and attractive country so long occupied by the Indians 
who had established a semi-civilization in this garden-land 
of the state, flocked to this farmer's paradise. They found 
that the stories told had not been exaggerations. The cleared 
fields really existed. The soil was free from stones. Unheard- 
of crops of corn, wheat and other grains were raised. But 
after the settlers had supplied their own wants the remainder 
of the corn and wheat might as well have been sawdust 
so far as value was concerned. It cost $126 to carry a ton 
of freight from Buffalo to Albany, which was very much 
more than a ton of wheat was worth. 

There was a demand for better means of transportation 
between western New York and the Hudson and, as the 
number of settlers increased, the demand for better roads 
grew in force. The state was urged to build a road from 
Buffalo to Albany. This was impracticable. A road could 
not be built in one section of the state, at the expense of 
the state, without rendering the same service to all settled 
sections, and the state was not yet rich enough to enter upon 
such an enterprise. Even now, with all its enormous wealth, 

327 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

the Empire State is finding that building roads in all the 
counties is imposing a staggering burden. It was, ho\V^ver, 
possible for the state to construct a canal without such 
serious difficulty, as the physical geography of the country 
made it impossible to build canals in all sections. The build- 
ing of canals was discussed early in our country, long before 
the settlement of western New York. 

As early as 1724 Cadwallader Golden, then surveyor- 
general of the colony, saw New York 's wonderful opportunity 
for establishing a system of inland waterways — ;an opportu- 
nity which he declared was not equaled in any other portion 
of the globe. 

In 1776 Joseph Carver, an explorer who had traveled the 
country from New York to Green Bay, declared it was 
practicable to connect the northwest with the ocean by means 
of the Great Lakes and a canal through central New York. 
As early as 1777, Gouverneur Morris predicted that ultimately 
the Great Lakes would be connected with the Hudson River 
by a canal. Washington, before his election as president, 
accompanied by Governor George Clinton visited the head- 
waters of the Susquehanna and portions of the country 
through which the Erie Canal now passes. He favored the 
building of a canal, not wholly as a commercial enterprise 
but also to help bind the people of the young nation in a 
closer union. He saw clearly the opportunities that the 
physical geography of New York offered in the way of inland 
water transportation. These were dreams and visions. 

At this time the people of the United States were very 
poor. The long Revolutionary struggle had exhausted their 
slender resources. Taxes were very hard to collect. It was 
almost impossible to borrow money. In 1784, Christopher 
Coles, an engineer of ability, made a survey of the Mohawk 
Valley and submitted to the legislature plans for connecting 
Lake Ontario with the Hudson River by canal. The resources 
of the state would not enable it to undertake such a work. 
Therefore, the legislature offered Coles and his associates all 
the profits of the scheme in perpetuity if they would build 

328 



COMMERCIAL SUPREMACY 

the canal but they were unable to secure the necessary finan- 
cial support. 

Evidence of the general poverty and the bad financial 
condition of the country is found in the fact that the legis- 
lature voted Coles the p'tiful sum of $125 to aid him to 
continue his survey. In 1791 Governor George Clinton 
persuaded the legislature to charter two companies. In 1792 
one was organized to construct a canal to connect the Hudson 
River with Lake Champlain, but nothing came of this. An- 
other company, known as the "Western Inland Navigation 
Company," was formed to connect the Hudson River with 
Lake Ontario. Six miles was constructed at a cost of nearly 
half a million dollars but the venture was not a commercial 
success. The state took some stock in the company and 
loaned it money, and in payment afterwards took additional 
stock. The six miles of canal constructed was in the vicinity 
of Little Falls. It would float sixteen-ton vessels. 

Other attempts were made. One company was organized 
to build a canal to connect the Oswego River with Cayuga 
and Seneca lakes. This work was undertaken by William 
Weston, afterwards superintendent of canals. Stephen "Van 
Rensselaer was one of the most earnest supporters of a canal 
system. 

In spite of the fact that western New York was being 
rapidly settled and settlers were going into Ohio, the trans- 
portation rates continued to be prohibitive. It cost more 
for transportation for most of the products of the soil, as 
well as almost all kinds of merchandise, than they were worth. 
These facts were kept constantly before the people. At this 
time it took from two to five days to go from New York to 
Albany, one day to go from Albany to Schenectady, a week 
from Schenectady to Utica, and nine days from Utica to 
Oswego. Freight rates on the Hudson River were . 40c. a 
hundred, on the Mohawk River 75c. a hundred. The total 
cost of freight from New York to Oswego was about $50 a 
ton, from Buffalo to Albany about $125 a ton. 

In 1805 the legislature directed Simeon DeWitt, the 

329 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

surveyor-general, to cause several routes to be accurately 
surveyed. He reported that it would be quite feasible to 
connect Lake Erie with the Hudson River and that a canal 
could be built without serious difficulty. The route recom- 
mended by DeWitt was that finally adopted. DeWitt was 
appointed surveyor-general in 1784 and held the office con- 
tinuously for fifty years and was therefore familiar with 
the inception, construction, completion and operation of the 
canal. 

The first canal commission was appointed in 1810 and 
consisted of Surveyor-General Simeon DeWitt, Gouverneur 
Morris, DeWitt Clinton, William North, Thomas Eddy and 
Peter Porter. The next year Robert Fulton and Robert R. 
Livingston were added to the committee. The committee 
reported that the canal could be built for $5,000,000. It 
was hoped that the national government would aid in the 
work but that was prevented by the prospect of a war with 
Great Britain. The land-owners along the route, blind to 
their own interests, demanded large damages, though their 
property would be greatly enhanced in value through the 
building of a canal. 

Discouragements multiplied. Other projects attracted 
attention. All the friends of the canal, except DeWitt Clin- 
ton, gave up in despair. He never lost faith or ceased his 
efforts. Even when overthrown politically, he kept on trying 
to arouse interest in his canal project and convince capitalists 
that the project was a promising one. In 1816 he wrote: 
"In all human probabilities, before the passing away of the 
present generation, Buffalo will be the second city of the 
state. ' ' 

In 1815 a great meeting of the New York merchants was 
held and Clinton was appointed to prepare a memorial to 
present to the legislature. In this document he said : 

If the project of a canal was intended to advance the views of 
individuals, or to foment the divisions of a party; if it promoted the 
interests of a few at the expense of the prosperity of the many; if 

330 




DeWitt Clintun 



COMMERCIAL SUPREMACY 

its benefits were limited to place, or fugitive as to duration, then 
indeed it might be received with cold indifference, or treated with 
stem neglect; but the overflowing blessings from this great fountain 
of public good and national abundance will be as extensive as our 
own country, and as durable as time. It may be confidentially 
asserted that this canal, as to the extent of its route, as to the coun- 
tries which it connects, and as to the consequences which it will pro- 
duce, is without a parallel in the history of mankind. It remains 
for a free state to create a new era in history and to erect a work 
more stupendoixs, more magnificent, and more beneficial than has 
hitherto been achieved by the human race. 

^ In June, 1812, the legislature authorized the Canal Com- 
mission to borrow money and accept grants of land prepara- 
tory to beginning the work of constructing the canal, but 
the War of 1812 made it impossible to borrow money, so 
the enterprise had to await the coming of peace. 

In 1816 the legislature, through the influence of Governor 
Tompkins, authorized the building of the canal. A new 
commission was created with Clinton at its head. Further 
surveys were made and estimates of cost prepared. The 
plans submitted called for a canal forty feet wide at the 
surface, twenty-eight feet at the bottom, and four feet deep. 
The estimated cost was $4,442,813. On the 15th of April, 
1817, the legislature authorized the construction of the canal 
and created a Canal Board consisting of all the executive 
officers of the state, except the Governor. This board was 
given power to borrow money on the credit of the state, 
and the canal fund was to be in their charge. The Clinton 
commission was responsible for construction, operation and 
maintenance. This double-headed management caused some 
difficulty and in 1826 a new board was created having the 
powers and duties of both of the old boards. The popularity 
of the canal is indicated by the vote for governor in 1817. 
Clinton, **the father of the canal," was chosen over his 
competitor, Peter B. Porter, by the extraordinary vote of 
43,310 to 1,479. Clinton was inaugurated July 1, 1817. 
Three days later he broke ground for the canal at Rome. 

331 



NEW YORK'S TART IN HISTORY 

This act was accompanied with great ceremony and jubilation. 
The section between Rome and Utica, fifteen miles in length, 
was completed by October, 1819. 

In November, 1819, boats passed from the Hudson River 
to Lake Champlain. In 1820 the Erie Canal was completed 
to Seneca River. At this time it was expected that the canal 
would be completed in 1823, but there were unexpected delays. 
Clinton's political enemies made the most of the delay and 
the political contest that followed was bitter, virulent, and 
abusive in the extreme. Clinton was charged with almost 
all conceivable offenses from stealing to treason. However, 
he was reelected by a very slender majority over Tompkins, 
his opponent. During the next term the feeling grew so 
bitter that Clinton did not dare seek a reelection. In 
April, 1824, he was removed from the office of canal com- 
missioner. This was very humiliating and was intended 
to be, but it reacted and scarcely six months later Clinton was 
again elected governor by a vote of 103,452 to 87,093. 

On October 26, 1825, the first board began its trip through 
the canal with Governor Clinton, Stephen Van Rensselaer, 
Joshua Forman, Chancellor Livingston, "William L. Stone 
and Thurlow Weed among the passengers. The boat was 
known as the Seneca Chief. Perhaps no event in the history 
of the state was ever so thoroughly celebrated. There were 
the ringing of bells, the booming of cannon, and other forms 
of glorification along the whole line of the canal. Clinton 
was the hero of the occasion. The Seneca Chief was escorted 
from Albany to New York by a fleet of steamers. New York 
was reached on the 4th of November. There were civic, 
military, and naval parades and the most extravagant demon- 
strations of popular enthusiasm. A memorial medal was 
struck by the municipal authorities. Two kegs of water had 
been brought from Lake Erie, one of which was taken to 
Sandy Hook and poured into the Atlantic Ocean. The 
contents of the other were bottled as mementos. An enthus- 
iastic citizen had secured bottles of water from the Nile, the 
Ganges, the Indus, the Thames, the Seine, the Rhine, the 

332 



COMMERCIAL SUPREMACY 

Mississippi, the Columbus, the Orinoco, the LaPlata, all of 
which with proper ceremonies were emptied into the Atlantic 
after that of Lake Erie had been mingled with its brine, 
so symbolizing the faith of the projectors of the canal that 
it was to take its part in the commerce of the world. The 
celebration at New York closed on November 7th with a 
grand ball. 

When the Seneca Chief left Buffalo the fact was an- 
nounced by the firing of cannon along the route at short 
intervals. In this way the news was carried from Buffalo to 
Sandy Hook in the marvelously short time of eighty-one 
minutes. This was less than a hundred years ago. It staggers 
the imagination to attempt to comprehend the progress that 
has been made in the transportation of freight and the trans- 
mission of news since that time. 

By 1825, 352 miles of the Erie and 81 miles of the 
Champlain canal had been completed. The entire cost up 
to 1837 amounted to about $10,000,000. The revenue up to 
this time was about $15,000,000. By 1862 the canal had 
been enlarged so as to be seventy feet wide at the surface, 
fifty-two feet at the bottom, and seven feet deep. It would 
float boats carrying 240 tons. The cost up to this time was 
$61,000,000. The receipts had been such that the canal at 
that date represented a net cost of about $7,000,000. In the 
first sixty years of their existence the canals of the state 
had carried 200,000,000 tons of freight. The present enlarge- 
ment, to be completed in 1916, will provide a canal one hun- 
dred and twenty-two feet wide at the surface, twelve feet 
deep, and locks for boats one hundred and fifty feet long — 
more than trebling the present capacity. 

In 1790 New York ranked fifth in population among the 
states. In 1800 she had become the third, this increase 
being due chiefly to the settlement of western New York. 
When the Revolution closed there was not a white settlement 
west of Utica. Whitestown was settled in 1784. By 1791 
5,000,000 acres of land had been sold to settlers, some of it 
as low as six cents an acre. 

333 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

It is claimed that the construction of the Erie Canal 
raised the value of the land along its route fully $100,000,000 
— more than twelve times the amount of its cost. While the 
construction of the canal made New York, it did hardly less 
for Ohio and some other parts of the West. In fact, it 
made what is now known as the I\Iiddle West. That country 
came to be what it was because of what New York did. 

Previous to the construction of the Erie Canal, New 
York City was exceeded in wealth, population and business, 
by Boston, Philadelphia, Baltimore and one or two other 
cities. With the completion of this canal New York grew 
by leaps and bounds. It became the commercial metropolis 
of the western world. It was the gateway to the West and 
the outlet of all that vast section. Boston was wholly out 
of the race and never again became a factor in the western 
traffic till the coming of the railway and the construction 
of the Hoosic Tunnel; but Philadelphia and Baltimore did 
not purpose to give up the struggle. The latter city planned 
a canal connection between the Chesapeake Bay and the Ohio 
River, following the route of the present Baltimore and Ohio 
Railroad. Philadelphia planned a canal from the Susque- 
hanna River to the Ohio. The mountainous country made 
this a difficult work and it is not probable that any Pennsyl- 
vania canal could have competed successfully with the Erie. 
While this struggle was going on, New York was extending 
her canal system. 

The following were the principal canals of the state: the 
Erie connecting Lake Erie with the Hudson at Albany ; the 
Champlain connecting Lake Champlain at Whitehall with the 
Erie Canal near Cohoes; the Chenango Canal extending 
through the Chenango Valley from Utica to Binghamton to 
reach the Pennsylvania coal fields ; the Delaware and Hudson 
Canal connecting the Hudson River at Kingston with the 
Delaware River at Port Jervis and from there tapping the 
coal fields in northern Pennsylvania ; the Oswego Canal con- 
necting Lake Ontario at Oswego with the Erie Canal at Syra- 
cuse; the Black River Canal from Carthage in Jefferson 

334 



COMMERCIAL SUPREMACY 



County to the Erie Canal at Rome; the Genesee Canal ex- 
tending up the valley from Rochester to the Allegheny River 
at Olean and thence to connect with the Ohio Valley; the 
Cayuga and Seneca Canal to connect those lakes with the Erie 
Canal at Montezuma; the Chemung Canal extending from 
Havana on Seneca Lake to Elmira; the Crooked Lake Canal 




from Dresden on Seneca Lake, to Penn Yan, and into Crooked 
Lake. Besides these there were various branches and feeders. 

What the outcome of this struggle might have been and 
how extensive the system of canals might have become no one 
can tell further than to say that the physical geography of 
the country would have assured the success of New York. 

The introduction of the railway checked the building of 
canals and finally led to the abandonment of many of them. 
What the outcome of the present attempt to restore the 
influence of canals through the construction of larger ones 
may be cannot be positively foretold but whether the traffic 
of the country be through canals or railroads, or both, the 

335 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

supremacy of New York is assured. It is exceedingly inter- 
esting to note what canals and railroads have done for New 
York commercially and why. This is merely a study of ' 
commercial geography. The easy grade across central New 
York and the dead level from New York to Troy or Albany, 
settle the matter of traffic forever so far as can be foreseen. 
If electricity becomes the motive power, the great water power 
furnished by Niagara, the St. Lawrence River and the numer- 
ous streams of the Adirondacks and the multitude of smaller 
streams must still leave New York without a serious rival. 
A loaded train of eighty cars can leave New York for Buffalo 
and, with the exception of the Schenectady hill where a 
pusher is necessary, one engine and one set of train hands 
are sufficient, but on the other routes there are places where 
the train would have to be broken and three or four engines, 
engineers and sets of train hands would be necessary, thus 
adding greatly to the cost. As a result of this, you will find 
on the Central road between Buffalo and New York five or 
six great manufacturing cities; on other' routes only one or 
two; in some cases not one. On the Central you will find 
a smart manufacturing village every few miles ; on the other 
lines such villages are far apart. This condition stimulates 
manufacturing in New York State, creates commerce and 
reacts favorably on every form of useful industry, making 
New York truly the Empire State. 

In preparing the preceding chapter the following authorities were 
consulted and acknowledgments are hereby rendered for assistance 
received : i 

Haines, Charles G., Great Western Canal. i^ 

Hepburn, A. Barton, Artificial Waterways and Commercial De- 
velopment. 

Whitford, Noble E., History of the New York Canals. 



XVII 

ANDREW SLOAN DRAPER AND THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 
OF THE STATE OP NEW YORK 

Andrew S. Draper was by no means the sole creator 
of the public school system of our state, but his is easily the 
greatest name in our educational history. It was under his 
administration that our school system was thoroughly unified 
and the way opened for an unprecedented advance. It was 
during his administration that provision was made for the 
supervision of rural schools; that the way was opened for 
vocational training and a long step taken toward making 
collegiate instruction free for every child in the state that 
desired it. This last act was accomplished with the tact and 
fairness characteristic of Commissioner Draper. Instead of 
establishing a state university and thereby antagonizing the 
many colleges already existing in our state, provision was 
made for the establishment of three thousand free scholar- 
ships and allowing the winners of the same to attend any 
college in the state and have their tuition paid by the state. 
The educational work of Mr. Draper will be discussed more 
fully hereafter. 

The educational history of the state of New York naturally 
divides itself into several periods: the Dutch period from 
the settlement of New Netherland to 1664 ; the English period 
from 1664 to the beginning of the Revolution ; the period of 
the Revolution ; and that from the close of the Revolution 
to the present. 

New York and New England 

It is common to draw comparisons between New York 
and New England, especially with Massachusetts. This is not 

337 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

unnatural but it is exceedingly difficult to do it and be fair 
to both sections. Conditions were so unlike in the different 
colonies. The population of Massachusetts was homogeneous ; 
that of New York cosmopolitan. When New Amsterdam had 
only a thousand inhabitants sixteen languages and dialects 
were spoken there. Massachusetts largely cut herself off 
from the rest of the world to try an experiment in self- 
government. The Dutch of New Netherland followed the laws 
and customs of the fatherland. The people of ]\Iassachusetts 
came to this country that they might enjoy civil and religious 
liberty. The Dutch had both at home and came here for the 
purpose of trade. The early settlers of Massachusetts were 
largely men of education, many of them being graduates of 
Cambridge University. The Dutch were men of moderate 
education. They came from a country where education was 
highly prized by the masses and where everyone might, and 
most of them did, acquire a fair elementary education. The 
settlers of Massachusetts came from a country where educa- 
tion was for the few, not for the many. The people of each 
colony, therefore, brought to a greater or less degree the 
ideals of the country from which they came. It may fairly 
be said that the Dutch ideal was for universal education and 
that the people who ruled Massachusetts were at the outset 
chiefly concerned in educating people for the professions, 
more especially for the ministry. 



Education Under the Dutch 

It is easier to ascertain the facts regarding public educa- 
tion in the early history of Massachusetts than in New York. 
There were many educated men in Massachusetts who kept 
voluminous diaries. The proceedings of the town meetings, 
the church records and the acts of the legislature in Massa- 
chusetts were all recorded in the English tongue and might 
be known to anyone, and were known to many. 

The government of New Netherland was largely in the 

338 



I 




Andrew Sloan Draper 



THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 

hands of the officials of the West India Company and when 
acts were recorded, which was not always the case, the records 
were in Dutch. The government of the colony was to some 
extent in the hands of the States-General but in part in the 
Classis of Amsterdam and, in the latter case, the records were 
not only in Dutch but for the most part were kept only in 
Holland. It is therefore so difficult to ascertain the exact 
facts in many matters that certain questions are, and are 
likely to be, matters of controversy. The general condition 
is pretty well known but there is doubt as to details — for 
instance, the date of the first Dutch school. What was the 
general situation in regard to public education in New Nether- 
land? On June 7, 1629, the West India Company adopted 
and promulgated a charter of "Freedoms and Exemptions 
for the patroons, masters or private persons, who shall plant 
any colony in, or send cattle to. New Netherland. ' ' This char- 
ter stated that * ' The patroons and colonists shall in particular 
endeavor as quickly as possible to find some means whereby 
they may support a minister and a schoolmaster." At this 
time there were only about five hundred inhabitants in all 
New Netherland. The frequent allusions in the Dutch records 
to the education of the young give ample proof of the interest 
of the Dutch in that matter. 

The Dutch were a religious people and fond of learning. 
Their intense devotion to their religion was the chief cause of 
their long and bitter struggle with Spain. Their school 
system was closely connected with their church. Ministers, 
deacons, elders and schoolmasters were all regarded as officials 
of the church. The curriculum of the church provided for 
participation in religious services. Music and the catechism 
were taught in all the schools. The schoolmaster was usually 
precentor and sexton and often held other offices, and some- 
times engaged in other business to eke out his income. The 
teacher was paid partly by the West India Company, partly 
by the local authorities, and partly by tuition paid by the 
parents. Children of the poor were instructed free. 

It is generally agreed that Adam Roelantsen was the first 

339 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

schoolmaster of New Amsterdam but there is a difference 
of opinion as to the date of the first school. It is quite 
commonly claimed that it was in 1633, but some who have 
carefully studied the question claim it was not till 1639. It 
seems to be pretty well established that the latter is the 
date of the first school taught by a licensed teacher, but it is 
at least possible, perhaps probable, that children were taught 
by an unlicensed teacher as early as 1633. However, the 
exact date is not a matter of great general interest. We are 
more concerned with the attitude of the Dutch of New Nether- 
land toward schools for the people. 

During the Dutch regime there seems to have been five 
regularly licensed teachers in New Amsterdam. Besides these, 
there were some temporary teachers. There were some purely 
private schools. A Latin school was established in New 
Amsterdam probably as early as 1652. A second one was 
established in 1659. From 1648 to 1662 schools were estab- 
lished in the villages of Albany, Brooklyn, Flatbush, Flat- 
lands, Harlem, Kingston, Bergen, Bushwick, and New Utrecht. 

The schools were regarded as village or city and not 
Company schools. School hours were usually from eight to 
eleven in the forenoon, and from one to four in the afternoon. 
Schools were probably in session throughout the year with 
holidays on "festivals" and Wednesday and Saturday after- 
noons. Evening schools were common. The Dutch do not 
seem to have discriminated against the girls in educational 
matters as did the English. The master's residence was 
usually the schoolhouse. 



Under English Rule 

There was comparatively little of general interest in 
education under English rule. The royal governors were 
not generally in favor of the education of the masses. This 
was natural. They represented the feeling of the English 
government at home at that time. When the colony was 

340 



THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 

governed by the English, schoohnasters were obliged to have 
a license. The object of this was to prevent any dissenter 
from filling that office. Up to 1686 the governor was the 
only person who had authority to license a teacher. After 
that date, persons who came from England were licensed 
by the Archbishop of Canterbury. The rule requiring a 
teacher to have a license was never rigidly enforced and 
was never exacted of teachers in the Dutch schools except 
by Lord Cornbury, who insisted that neither the teachers 
nor the ministers of the Dutch had any right to teach or 
preach without a license from him and he refused to license 
anyone to teach in tlie Dutch schools. Therefore, for a time 
the Dutch were without a school. Lord Cornbury 's rule came 
to an end in 1708 and no other English governor followed 
his policy. The rule requiring a license to teach does not 
seem to have been followed at all after 1712. The one bright 
spot in the educational history of the colony under the admin- 
istration of the English was the establishment of King's 
College. Governor DeLancey wrote to the home government 
asking for a charter for the school, saying that such an 
institution was necessary "to prevent the growth of 
republican principles which already too much prevail in the 
colonies." Apparently the governor did not reason well 
as among the early students of the institution were Philip 
Livingston, John Jay, Kobert Livingston, Gouverneur Morris, 
Alexander Hamilton, DeWitt Clinton and Daniel Tompkins. 
It is rather interesting to note that no women were employed 
as teachers by the Dutch and very few by the English. 



During the Revolution and After 

During the Revolution, schools in New York almost ceased 
to exist. No other colony suffered so severely or so long 
from the ravages of war as did New York. The early schools 
were few in number and necessarily of the crudest kind. 
The teachers were untrained, the buildings were unfit for 

341 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

school purposes, the equipment was meager and poor. It is 
interesting and inspiring to follow the growth of interest in 
matters of education, and the hard struggle the people made 
to develop a satisfactory educational system. For many 
years, the teacher "boarded around." Often he was regarded 
as a kind of necessary pauper. After a brief general dis- 
cussion of the growth of our educational system, the matter 
can probably be presented more clearly by discussing a 
number of topics separately, such as the training of teachers, 
higher education, free schools, etc. 

The Board of Regents was incorporated in 1784 and given 
charge of existing educational institutions. In 1789 the legis- 
lature set aside two lots of public land in each town for gospel 
and school purposes. Schools in nearly half the counties of 
the state now derive a small revenue from the fund so 
created. The legislature appointed a committee to consider 
the recommendations of the governor. A month later a bill 
was introduced entitled "An act for the encouragement of 
schools." This bill, which became a law, appropriated an- 
nually for five years $50,000 for the support of schools. The 
money was apportioned among the counties in proportion to 
their representation in the legislature. Each county divided 
its portion among the towns according to the number of 
taxable inhabitants, and the towns divided their money among 
the school districts according to the number of days' attend- 
ance by pupils resident in the district. The counties raised 
half as much as they received from the state. The electors 
of the various districts chose commissioners and trustees. At 
the end of three years, 1352 school districts had been organ- 
ized and had a registration of 59,660 pupils. 

This rather crude attempt was the beginning of our com- 
mon school system. As much was accomplished as could 
have been expected at that time, under existing conditions. 
The people of the state were very poor and had a hard 
struggle to obtain a mere living. The resources of the state 
were undeveloped. Its future was uncertain. 

While there have been some hard struggles and many 

342 



i 



THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 

vexatious delays, nevertheless New York has steadily kept 
her face to the front in educational matters and has built up 
an educational system that may be faulty in some respects 
but on the whole is second to that of no other state. 

The experimental appropriation of $50,000 a year for 
five years came to an end with the century. Then began a 
struggle for a permanent common school system. The most 
prominent and active man in this campaign was Jedediah 
Peck, a member of the legislature from Otsego County. He 
served in the legislature for a long period. He was not a 
liberally educated man, but he was earnest, patriotic, and 
persistent. The first action of the legislature in regard to 
common schools seems very peculiar in these days. It estab- 
lished what were known as Literature Lotteries by means of 
which $100,000 was to be raised each year, $12,500 of it going 
to the Board of Regents for academic schools, and the rest 
for the support of common schools. This plan was continued 
till 1821. The money realized from lotteries was turned over 
to the controller who was directed to invest it in real estate. 

In 1805 the legislature voted to appropriate the proceeds 
from the sale of 500,000 acres of state lands for school pur- 
poses. This was the foundation of our present common 
school fund. 



Growth of the Free School System of the State of 

New York 

1782. — In 1782 Governor George Clinton, in a speech to 
the Senate and Assembly, said : "In the present respite from 
the more severe distresses and calamities of war, I cannot 
forbear suggesting to you a work which I conceive ought 
not to be deferred as the business of peace, the promotion 
and encouragement of learning. Besides the general advan- 
tages arising to society from liberal science, as restraining 
those rude passions which lead to vice and disorder, it is 
the peculiar duty of the government of a free state, where 

343 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

the highest employments are open to citizens of every rank, 
to endeavor by the establishment of schools and seminaries 
to diffuse that degree of literature which is necessary to 
the due discharge of public trusts. You must be sensible 
that the war has occasioned a chasm in education, extremely 
injurious to the rising generation ; and this affords an addi- 
tional consideration for extending our earliest care to their 
instruction." 

This was the first executive suggestion in this state in 
regard to public education. 

1795. — Later, in 1795, Governor Clinton said: "While it 
is evident that the general establishment and liberal endow- 
ment of academies are highly to be commended, and are 
attended with most beneficial consequences, yet it cannot be 
denied that they are principally confined to the children of 
the opulent, and that a great proportion of the community 
is excluded from their immediate advantages ; the establish- 
ment of common schools throughout the state is happily 
calculated to remedy this inconvenience, and will therefore 
reengage your early and decided consideration." As the 
result of this recommendation by Governor Clinton £20,000 a 
year for a period of five years was voted for the support of 
common schools. 

1800. — In 1800 Governor John Jay, in a message to the 
legislature, said: "Among other objects that will present 
themselves to you, there is one which I earnestly recommend 
to your notice and patronage. I mean our institutions for 
the education of the youth. The importance of common 
schools is best estimated by the good effects of them where 
they most abound, and are best regulated. The two colleges 
in this state have, from their extensive and increasing utility, 
strong claims to the care of the legislature, and it appears 
to me that they should be enabled uniformly to answer the 
valuable purposes for which they were established." 

The legislature voted Union College $10,000 and certain 
unappropriated public lands. The Assembly voted to con- 
tinue the grant of 1795 for the support of common schools 

344 



THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 

but this was rejected by the Senate, and common schools 
in the state of New York were temporarily discontinued. The 
system was not revived and permanently established till 1812. 

1802. — This year Governor George Clinton, in his message 
to the legislature, said: *'The system for the encouragement 
of common schools having been discontinued, and the advan- 
tages to morals, religion, liberty, and good government arising 
from the general diffusion of knowledge being universally 
admitted, permit me to recommend this subject to your 
deliberate attention. The failure of one experiment for the 
attainment of an important object ought not to discourage 
other attempts." 

1803. — In this year Governor Clinton again returned to 
the subject of education and said: "The establishment of 
conunon schools has at different times engaged the attention 
of the legislature, but although its importance is generally 
conceded, a diversity of sentiment respecting the best means 
has hitherto prevented the accomplishment of the object. 
The diffusion of knowledge is so essential to the promotion 
of virtue and the preservation of liberty as to render argu- 
ment unnecessary to excite you to a perseverance in this 
laudable pursuit. Permit me only to observe that education, 
by correcting the morals and improving the manners, tends 
to prevent those evils in society which are beyond the sphere 
of legislation." 

1804. — This year Governor Morgan Lewis, in addressing 
the legislature, said: "I cannot conclude, gentlemen, without 
calling your attention to a subject which my worthy and 
highly esteemed predecessor in office had so much at heart, 
and frequently, I believe, presented to your view, the encour- 
agement of literature. In a government resting on public 
opinion, and deriving its chief support from the affections of 
a people, religion and morality cannot be too sedulously culti- 
vated. To them, science is an handmaid ; ignorance the worst 
of enemies. Literary information should then be placed within 
the reach of every description of citizens, and poverty should 
not be permitted to obstruct the path to the fane of knowledge. 

345 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

Common schools under the guidance of respectable teachers 
should be established in every village, and the indigent edu- 
cated at public expense. The higher seminaries should also 
receive every patronage and support within the means of 
enlightened legislators. Learning would thus flourish and 
vice be more effectually restrained than by volumes of penal 
statutes." 

In April 9, 1811, Jedediah Peck, John Murray, Jr., 
Samuel Russell, Roger Skinner and Robert Macomb were 
appointed commissioners to report a system for the organiza- 
tion and establishment of common schools. On the 17th of 
February, 1812, they reported as follows: 

Perhaps there will never be reported to the legislature a subject 
of more importance than the establishment of common schools. Edu- 
cation as the means of improving the moral and intellectual faculties 
is, under all circumstances, a subject of the most imposing- considera- 
tion. To rescue man from that state of degradation to which he is 
doomed, unless redeemed by education; to unfold his physical, intel- 
lectual, and moral powers; and to fit him for those high destinies 
which his Creator has prepared for him, cannot fail to excite the 
most ardent sensibility of the philosopher and the philanthropist. A 
comparison of the savage that roams through the forest with the 
enlightened inhabitant of a civilized country would be a brief, but 
impressive representation of the momentous importance of education. 

It were an easy task for the commissioners to show that in pro- 
portion as every country has been enlightened by education, so has 
been its prosperity. Where the heads and hearts of men are gener- 
ally cultivated and improved virtue and wisdom must reign, and \nce 
and ignorance must cease to prevail. Virtue and wisdom are the 
parents of private and public felicity; vice and ignorance of private 
and public misery. 

If education be the cause of the advancement of other nations, it 
must be apparent to the most superficial observer of our peculiar 
political constitution that it is essential, not to our prosperity only, 
but to the veiy existence of our government. Whatever may be the 
effect of education on a despotic or monarchial government, it is not 
absolutely indispensable to the existence of either. In a despotic 
government the people have no agency whatever, either in the forma- 

346 



THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 

tion or in the execution of laws. They are the mere slaves of arbi- 
trary authority, holding their lives and property at the pleasure of 
uncontrolled caprice. As the will of the ruler is the supreme law, 
fear, slavish fear, on the part of the governed, is the principle of 
despotism. It will be perceived readily, that ignoranoe on the part 
of the people can present no barrier to the administration of such a 
government; and much less can it endanger its existence. In a 
monarchial government the operation of fixed laws is intended to 
supersede the necessity of intelligence in the people. But in a govern- 
ment like ours where the people is the sovereign power, where the 
will of the people is the law of the land, which will is openly and 
directly expressed; and whei'e eveiy act of the government may 
justly be called the act of the people, it is absolutely essential that 
the people be enlightened. They must possess both intelligence and 
virtue; intelligence to perceive what is right, and virtue to do what 
is right. Our republic, therefore, may be justly said to be founded 
on the intelligence and virtue of the people. For this reason it is 
with much propriety that the enlightened Montesquieu has said, "In 
a republic the whole force of education is required." 

The commissioners think it unnecessary to represent in a stronger 
point of view the impoi-tance and absolute necessity of education as 
connected either with the cause of religion and morality, or with the 
prosperity and existence of our political institutions. As the people 
must receive the advantages of education the inquiry naturally arises 
how this end is to be obtained. The expedient devised by the legisla- 
ture is the establishment of common schools, which, being spread 
throughout the state, and aided by its bounty, will bring improve- 
ment within the reach and power of the humblest citizen. This ap- 
pears to be the best plan that can be devised to disseminate religion, 
morality, and learning throughout a whole country. All other meth- 
ods, heretofore adopted, are partial in their operation and circum- 
scribed in their effects. Academies and miiversities, as understood in 
contradistinction to common schools, cannot be considered as operat- 
ing impartially and indiscriminately as regards the country at large. 
The advantages of the first are confined to the particular districts in 
which they are established; and the second from causes apparent to 
eveiyone, are devoted almost exclusively to the rich. In a free gov- 
ernment where political equality is established and where the road to 
preferment is open to all, there is a natural stimulus to education; 
and accordingly we find it generally resorted to, unless some great 

347 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

local impediment interfere. In populous cities, and in the parts of 
the countiy thickly settled, schools are generally established by indi- 
vidual exertion. In these cases the means of education are facili- 
tated as the expenses of the school are divided among a great many. 
It is in the remote and thinly populated parts of the state where the 
inhabitants are scattered over a large extent that education stands 
greatly in need of encouragement. The people here living far from 
each other make it so difficult to establish schools as to render them 
convenient and accessible to all. Every family, therefore, must either 
educate its own children, or the children must forego the advantages 
of education. 

These inconveniences can be remedied best by the establishment 
of common schools under the direction and patronage of the state. 
In these schools should be taught at least those branches of education 
which are indispensably necessary to every person in his connection 
with the world, and to the performance of his duty as a useful citi- 
zen. Reading, writing, arithmetic and the principles of morality are 
essential to every person, however humble his situation in life. With- 
out the first, it is impossible to receive those lessons of morality 
which are inculcated in the writings of the learned and pious; nor 
is it possible to become acquainted with our political constitutions 
and laws; nor to decide those great political questions which ulti- 
mately are referred to the intelligence of the people. Writing and 
arithmetic are indispensable in the management of one's private 
affairs, and to facilitate one's commerce with the world. Morality 
and religion are the foundation of all that is truly great and good, 
and are consequently of primary importance. A person provided 
with these acquisitions is enabled to pass through the world respect- 
ably and successfully. If, however, it be his intention to become 
acquainted with the higher branches of science the academies and the 
universities established in the different parts of the state are open 
to him. In this manner, education in all its stages is offered to the 
citizens generally. 

In devising a plan for the organization and establishment of com- 
mon schools the commissioners have proceeded with great care and 
deliberation. To frame a system which must directly affect every 
citizen of the state, and so regulate it that it shall obviate individual 
and local discontent and yet be generally beneficial is a task at once 
perplexing and arduous. To avoid the imputation of local partiality, 
and to devise a plan operating with equal mildness and advantage 

348 



THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 

has been the object of the commissionei-s. To effect this end they 
have consulted the experience of others and resorted to every prob- 
able source of intelligence. From neighboring states where common 
school systems are established by law, they have derived much impor- 
tant information. This information is doubly valuable as it is the 
result of long and actual experience. The commissioners by closely 
examining the rise and progress of those systems have been able to 
obviate many imperfections otherwise inseparable from the novelty 
of the establishment, and to discover the means by which they have 
gradually risen to their present condition. 

The outlines of the plan suggested by the commissioners are 
briefly these. That the several towns in the state be divided into 
school districts by three commissioners elected by the citizens qualified 
to vote for town oflRcers; that trustees be elected in each district to 
whom shall be confided the care and superintendence of the school 
to be established therein; that the interest of the school fund be 
divided among the different counties and towns according to their 
respective population as ascertained by the successive census of the 
United States; that the portion received by the respective towns be 
subdivided among the districts into which such town shall be divided 
according to the number of children in each between the ages of five 
and fifteen years inclusive; that each town raise by tax annually as 
much money as it shall have received from the school fund ; that the 
gross amount of moneys received from the state and raised by the 
towns be appropriated exclusively to the payment of the wages of 
teachers; that the whole system shall be placed under the superin- 
tendence of an ofiBeer appointed by the Coimcil of Appointment. 

The recommendations of the commissioners in regard to 
the establishment of a system of common schools were enacted 
into law with no very material changes, June 19, 1812. In 
1894 a constitutional provision made it the duty of the legis- 
lature to maintain common schools. 

In this connection some idea of the kind of man that 
fought successfully the battle for common schools should be 
given. Jedediah Peck, the father of the common school 
system of the state of New York, was a man of limited educa- 
tion and had no gift as a debater or skill as a speaker, but 
he was a man of the strictest integrity, possessed high ideals 

349 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

and sound judgment, and was a skillful organizer. Mr. Peck 
was born at Lyme, Connecticut, on the 28th of January, 1748. 
He served four years in the Revolutionary army. In 1790 
he settled in the town of Burlington, Otsego County. Al- 
though nearly seventy years of age at the time, he served 
in the War of 1812 and took part in the Battle of Queens- 
town. He was a member of the state legislature for eleven 
years, seven in the Assembly and four in the Senate. In addi- 
tion to his work in establishing the common school system 
of the state, he introduced a bill for the abolition of imprison- 
ment for debt which later became a law. 

The law creating the common school system of the state 
also created the office of Superintendent of Common Schools. 
This was noteworthy as being the first state supervisory 
school office created in America. The Council of Appointment 
chose Gideon Hawley to fill this office. He was appointed 
January 14, 1813, and served till February 22, 1821. 

Mr. Hawley was born at Huntington, Connecticut, on the 
26th of September, 1785. He came to Saratoga County when 
only nine years of age. He graduated from Union College, 
studied law and began practice in the city of Albany. He 
was only twenty-eight years of age when chosen state superin- 
tendent. During the eight years of his service, the number 
of pupils attending the common schools increased from 
140,000 to 304,000. Notwithstanding his eminent success in 
administrating his office, and the smallness of his salary, 
only $300 a year, he was removed for purely political reasons. 
The general indignation caused by his removal led to his 
successor being legislated out of office. The secretary of state 
was made ex-officio superintendent of common schools. This 
was in 1821 and John Van Ness Yates was then secretary of 
state. 

Mr. Hawley was elected secretary of the Board of Regents 
in 1814 and served in that capacity till 1841. He was elected 
a regent in 1840 and served till his death in 1870. When 
superintendent of common schools Mr. Hawley did much 
toward introducing the Lancasterian system of schools — at 

350 



THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 

one time very popular, but now almost forgotten. Gideon 
Hawley was one of the most useful men in our educational 
history and rendered services of great value. 

In 1815 the state first contributed toward the payment of 
teachers' salaries, the amount being $46,398. The amount 
paid in 1912 for this purpose was $5,035,828.84. 

In 1826 Azariah C. Flagg, then secretary of state, vigor- 
ously opposed a proposition to designate a particular series 
of textbooks to the exclusion of all others. From that time to 
the present the textbook question has been a disturbing factor 
in educational affairs, but it may well be remembered that 
the school textbooks in the United States are the best in the 
world. 

In 1836 Congress passed an act authorizing the deposit 
of the surplus in the United States Treasury with the various 
states. New York's portion was about $4,000,000. On the 
recommendation of Governor Marcy, the legislature provided 
that $160,000 of the income of this fund be added to the 
common school fund each year. 

In 1849 the legislature passed an act creating free schools 
with a provision that the matter be submitted to a vote of 
the people. It was approved by a great majority, 249,872 
in favor of the bill to 91,951 against it. Chenango, Otsego 
and Tompkins were the only counties that gave a majority 
against free schools. 

This so-called free school law did not after all provide 
free schools. The district imposed a tax for providing a 
schoolhouse, fuel, etc., and for the education of indigent 
children ; the state apportioned about twenty dollars annually 
to each district toward the payment of the teacher's wages; 
the remaining sum for the payment of the teacher was 
raised by means of what was known as a rate bill, the amount 
being assessed upon the parents who patronized the school 
in proportion to the number of days' attendance of their 
children. 

In 1853 the Court of Appeals declared the free school 
law of 1849 to be unconstitutional, but this was not a matter 

351 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

of much practical importance as a free school act had been 
passed in 1851 to which the decision of the Court of Appeals 
did not apply. In 1867 the rate bill was abolished. It 
had been a great hindrance to progress as children were fre- 
quently kept from school to save the expense of attendance. 
This matter of really free schools was a source of bitter 
controversy in the legislature for half a century. The idea 
of a rate bill probably came to us from Holland. 

At the general election in 1850 an attempt was made to 
repeal the free school law and forty-two counties gave majori- 
ties in favor of the repeal, but in the state at large there 
was a majority of 25,038 votes against it. This was mainly 
due to the vote in the city of New York. 

In 1880 an act was passed making women eligible for 
school offices and entitling them to the same privileges as 
men in regard to voting at school elections. A compulsory 
education law was enacted in 1874 and this has been strength- 
ened and extended again and again till it is now very effective. 

After a century of dual administration of the school 
affairs of the state, a single system was established in 1904. 
This was perhaps the greatest single step forward in the 
educational history of the state and made much progress easy 
that before was not possible. 



The Regents of the University of the State of New York 

On the first of May, 1784, the legislature of the state of 
New York at its first session after the close of the Revolution, 
in response to a strong appeal from Governor George Clinton 
in his annual message, passed an act creating the University 
of the State of New York. The act was entitled "An act 
for granting certain privileges to the college heretofore called 
King's College, for altering the charter and name thereof, 
and erecting an university within this state." 

This university was to be controlled by a body known as 
"The Regents of the University of the State of New York." 

352 



THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 

This body was made up of twenty-four men of higli character, 
named in the act, together with the principal state officers 
ex-officio. The clergy of the various denominations were 
empowered to select one of their own number to be a regent, 
and to keep his place filled. The first Board of Regents 
was organized by electing Governor George Clinton as chan- 
cellor, Pierre Van Cortlandt as vice-chancellor, and Robert 
Harpur as secretary. The fellows, professors and tutors of 
any college were empowered to act as regents in respect to 
their own colleges. At this time there was only one college 
in the state — Columbia. The Regents were empowered to 
establish such other colleges from time to time as they might 
think proper, such colleges to be considered as parts of the 
State University and to be under the control of the Regents. 
The board, as thus created, proved to be a cumbrous body 
on account of its size. A committee was appointed to study 
the situation and suggest reforms. The leading spirits of this 
committee were Alexander Hamilton and Ezra L 'Hommedieu. 
This committee embodied its views in a bill which was passed 
by the legislature in 1787. It enacted that "An university 
be and hereby is instituted within the state to be called and 
known by the name or style of the Regents of the University 
of the State of New York." The number of regents was 
fixed at twenty-one, in addition to the governor and lieu- 
tenant-governor who were made ex-officio members. Later the 
secretary of state and the superintendent of public instruction 
were added. The elective members were chosen for life. 
They were elected by a joint ballot of the legislature and 
served without compensation. The Board was authorized to 
grant degrees, charters of incorporation to colleges and 
academies, and to grant collegiate charters to such academies 
as might grow to be worthy of the same. The act provided 
that each college and academy in the state should have its 
own board of trustees who should constitute a body corporate 
for the management of its individual affairs. The Regents 
were authorized to visit and inspect all colleges, academies 
and schools which are or may be established in the state; 

353 



¥ 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

to examine the same as to discipline and instruction and to 
make a yearly report to the legislature. 

At the first meeting of the Board after reorganization, 
Governor Clinton was chosen chancellor and John Jay vice- 
chancellor. From the outset the members of the Board of 
Regents have been men of ability and high character. The 
first academy chartered by the Board of Regents was Erasmus 
Hall which received its charter November 17, 1787. By 1813 
thirty academies had been incorporated. A regent must be 
a citizen of the state and not an ofificer of any college or 
academy under the visitation of the Regents. 

In 1863 the Board established what was known as the 
Convocation of the University. The Regents and the officers 
of all the colleges, academies and normal schools were mem- 
bers of the Convocation which met annually at the Capitol in 
July. The business of the Convocation was the consideration 
of educational matters of general interest. The papers pre- 
sented at the Convocation, together with the discussions and 
the annual report of the Regents with much other matter of 
general interest, were printed in an annual volume. In 1844 
the Regents were made trustees of the State Library and 
given charge of the historical documents belonging to the 
state. In 1845 they were made trustees of the State Museum 
of Natural History. When the Albany Normal School was 
established it was placed under the joint management of the 
Board of Regents and the superintendent of public instruc- 
tion. 

In 1864 a law was enacted authorizing the board of educa- 
tion of any union free school to establish in the same an 
academic department whenever in their judgment there was 
sufficient demand for the same. This resulted in greatly 
reducing the number of academies. In 1865 there were 190 
academies in the state ; in 1884 only 75. There was a corre- 
sponding increase in the number of academic departments; 
22 in 1865 and 185 in 1883. 

In 1894 the Regents were made a constitutional body. 
When unification was adopted in 1904, the regents were no 

354 



THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 

longer elected for life. The number was reduced to twelve, 
one for each judicial district and they are elected by the 
legislature by joint ballot and serve for eleven years. The 
Board of Regents elects a Commissioner of Education who 
holds office during their pleasure. The unification law pro- 
vided that the legislature should choose the first commissioner 
for a term of six years and after the expiration of that term 
the choice should be made by the Board of Regents. The 
legislature selected Andrew S. Draper who had previously 
served two terms as superintendent of public instruction. At 
the expiration of his terra of service he was unanimously 
reappointed for life by the Board of Regents. 

Space will not permit giving even an approximation of a 
complete history of education in the state of New York, not 
even of the more important features of it, but an attempt 
is made to give the general reader something of a bird's-eye 
view of it with something in the way of detail in regard to 
certain movements. 

New York has taken few backward steps and has broad- 
ened and extended the field of its educational activities far 
beyond the wildest dreams of Jedediah Peck and his asso- 
ciates. Not only was the common school system established 
but high schools have been made free to every child in the 
state who is prepared to enter them, and the state has pro- 
vided three thousand free scholarships in the colleges of the 
state. It has provided schools for the deaf and dumb, the 
blind, the feeble-minded, the Indians, and has either provided 
for or encouraged vocational schools, continuation schools, 
vacation schools, summer normal schools, open-air schools, 
school gardens, school savings banks, and medical inspection. 



Supervision 

The state of New York early recognized the importance 
of supervision in the work of education. The law of 1812 
establishing the common school system provided for the 

355 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

appointment of three commissioners for each town, afterward 
commonly known as town superintendents of schools. This 
office was continued until 1843. 

The office of school commissioner was created in 1856 and 
abolished in 1911. The office of school commissioner was a 
very important one and produced excellent results when the 
right kind of a man was chosen, but unfortunately no educa- 
tional qualifications were required and often the nomination 
of a man was regarded as a reward for political services 
rendered, or a salve for disappointment in failing to secure 
some other office. The territory to be superintended was 
so large in many cases, the duties were so onerous, the term 
of office so short, the reelection so uncertain, that in general 
the results were not altogether satisfactory. The office was 
abolished in 1911 and the office of district superintendent 
was created. The powers and duties of the district superin- 
tendents are about the same as those of the school commis- 
sioners but they have a smaller territory to supervise. They 
are appointed for five years by a board created for that pur- 
pose, instead of being nominated on a party ticket and being 
voted for by all the voters of their territory. No one can be 
appointed who does not possess certain prescribed qualifica- 
tions. So far, this system of rural supervision has worked 
better than even its friends had dared to hope. It seems as 
though the rural schools would have supervision that would 
compare very favorably with that in villages and small cities. 

Village and city superintendents have existed for many 
years. The city of Buffalo has the honor of having had the 
first city superintendent of schools of any city in the United 
States. New York has long encouraged the appointment of 
local superintendents by appropriating a certain sum of 
money to each village of five thousand inhabitants or more 
that employed a superintendent of schools. In cities, a sum 
was appropriated equaling as many times the sum allowed 
to villages as the city had members of the state assembly. 

Both the Board of Regents and the Department of PubUc 
Instruction appointed inspectors to visit the academic schools 

356 



THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 

of the state. Since unification there has, as a matter of 
course, been only one board of inspectors. This inspection 
has been productive of excellent results. 

In 1813 Gideon Hawley was appointed state superin- 
tendent of common schools. New York being the first state 
to provide such supervision. In 1821 the office was discon- 
tinued and the secretary of state became ex-officio state 
superintendent. Many excellent men held this office but the 
time came when it was felt that the importance of the work 
demanded the whole time and thought of the best man who 
could be had for the office. 

In 1854 the office of state superintendent of public instruc- 
tion was created and Victor M. Rice was chosen to fill the 
position. It was an admirable choice and many excellent men 
followed him during the half century of the existence of that 
office. During this period marked progress was made in 
many directions. In course of time, rivalry arose because of 
the dual system of education that existed. The line of division 
between the Board of Regents and the Department of Public 
Instruction was not very clearly defined and perhaps could 
not be. Naturally, differences arose and now and then the 
feeling was exceedingly bitter. The abler the men at the head 
of the two departments, and the more anxious they were to 
make a record for their respective departments, the greater 
the probability of a clash. Several efforts were made to 
bring about some plan of unification but it was not until 
1904 that this was accomplished. 



The Training of Teachers 

Institutes. — The institute appears to have been the first 
agency for the training of teachers that reached and influ- 
enced large numbers. It seems to have had its origin 
in a resolution offered at the Tompkins County Teachers' 
Association in 1843 by Superintendent Jacob S. Denman. 
The first institute, which continued for two weeks, was held 

357 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

at Ithaca in April, 1843. It was under the direction of 
Superintendent Denman. The institute was purely a local af- 
fair. The state neither furnished aid nor directed the work. 
The greater part of the instruction was given by Salem Town, 
who later became very prominent in educational work. The 
institutes were very popular almost at the outset. They were 
held in seventeen different counties within two years from 
the time of holding the first institute at Ithaca. The work 
of the institute was chiefly a review of the branches required 
to be taught in the common schools, though there were lectures 
on methods and school management. The length of the 
sessions varied from two to eight weeks. The institutes were 
supported wholly by the teachers who attended. They were 
carried on for four years before the state had any part in 
them. In 1845 Secretary Young reported that the institutes 
were "highly deserving of legislative aid." In 1847 the insti- 
tutes were placed under state control and sixty dollars was 
allowed to each county that organized a teachers' institute. 
In 1859 this amount was doubled. It was further increased 
from time to time until forty thousand dollars was spent 
annually by the state on teachers' institutes. In 1862 a 
law was enacted authorizing local authorities to pay teachers 
their regular salaries while they were in attendance upon an 
institute. In 1885 this was made compulsory as was the 
attendance of the teachers at an institute, it having been 
optional up to this time though very few of the teachers 
were absent. 

Up to 1881 no instructors were regularly employed in 
institute work. A man who was employed at one institute 
might not appear at another during the year. Institute work 
was an incident of a man's life, not his regular employment. 
There was little opportunity for men to train themselves 
for this somewhat peculiar work. In 1881 a regular board of 
institute conductors was appointed. They gave their whole 
time to the work and thus made it more definite and more 
efficient. In 1896 city institutes were organized, and summer 
"institutes continuing for three weeks were held in different 

358 



THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 

parts of the state. The city institutes were optional with the 
local authorities but they were held with more or less fre- 
quency in most of the cities of the state. 

Institutes were discontinued in 1911, after an existence 
of sixty-eight years. Their place is now taken by conferences 
held by the district superintendents. This system has not yet 
been fully worked out and it is too early to say what the 
outcome will be. 

New York was the first state in the Union to hold teachers ' 
institutes and her example has been followed by nearly every 
other state in the Union. 

Normal Schools. — As early as 1821 Governor DeWitt Clin- 
ton called attention to the importance of providing schools 
for the training of teachers. In 1826, in his message to the 
legislature, he said: "The vocation of a teacher in its 
influence on the character and destiny of the rising and all 
future generations has either not been fully understood or 
duly estimated. It is or ought to be ranked among the 
learned professions. With full admission of the merits of 
several who now officiate in that capacity, still it must be 
conceded that the information of many of the instructors of 
our common schools does not extend beyond rudimental educa- 
tion; that our expanding population requires constant acces- 
sions to their numbers; and that to realize these views it is 
necessary that some new plan for obtaining able teachers 
should be devised. I therefore recommend a seminary for 
the education of teachers. . . . Compliance with this 
recommendation will have the most benign influence on the 
individual happiness and social prosperity. To break down 
the barriers which poverty has erected against the acquisition 
and dispensation of knowledge is to restore the just equi- 
librium of society, and to perform a duty of indispensable 
and paramount obligation ; and under this impression I also 
recommend that provision be made for the gratuitous educa- 
tion, in our superior seminaries, of indigent, talented and 
meritorious youths." In 1827 Governor Clinton again dis- 
cussed the importance of providing for the training of teach- 

359 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

ers and suggested that a school for that purpose be established 
in each county. In 1828 he said: "I consider it my duty 
to recommend a law authorizing the supervisors of each county 
to raise a sum not exceeding two thousand dollars, provided 
the same sum is subscribed by individuals, for the erection 
of a suitable edifice for a monitorial high school in the county 
town." 

In 1826, Mr. Spencer, later superintendent of common 
schools but then Chairman of the Literature Committee of 
the Senate, said : ' ' Competent teachers for the common 
schools must be provided ; the academies of the state furnish 
the means of making that provision." 

In 1830 the superintendent of common schools recom- 
mended the conversion of as many academies as there were 
then counties in the state into seminaries for the education 
of teachers. In 1833 Governor Marcy said : * ' One of the most 
obvious improvements in relation to common schools would 
be a plan for supplying them with competent teachers. ' ' 

In 1834, in his message to the legislature, Governor Marcy 
said: "By providing an adequate fund for the support of 
common schools the legislature discharge but a part, and by 
far the least difficult part, of their duty toward educating 
the people. They must secure its efficient application to the 
proper objects. In this respect there is, in my judgment, 
a manifest defect in our system. Little as yet has been 
done to provide teachers properly trained for this pursuit. 
Without well qualified and skillful instructors, the amplest 
funds will prove comparatively useless." 

In 1835 he said: "The special subjects in relation to 
common schools to which I am anxious your attention should 
be particularly directed, are a provision for supplying com- 
petent teachers." 

In 1836 he said : ' ' The difficulty of supplying the district 
schools with competent teachers has presented the greatest 
obstacle to the complete success of our system. A beginning 
has been made with a view to the removal of this obstacle. 
A separate department for the instruction of common school 

3C0 



THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 

teachers has been established in one of the principal academies 
in each of the eight senate districts of the state, and public 
funds have been appropriated toward the support of these 
departments. ' ' 

In 1837 he recommended "that a liberal portion of this 
income (that from the United States Deposit Fund) should 
be appropriated to the academies in such a manner as will 
not only increase the amount annually distributed to them, 
but also improve the literature fund; having in view prin- 
cipally the design of rendering them more efficient as semi- 
naries for educating common school teachers." 

In his last message in 1837, Governor Marcy said : 

Our common school system still labors imder embarrassments 
arising from an inadequate supply of well qualified teachers. Our 
colleges and academies have heretofore been relied upon to supply, 
to a considerable extent, this deficiency ; but it has been quite evident 
for some time that further provision ought to be made by legislative 
authority, to satisfy the public wants in this respect. The depart- 
ments for educating common school teachers erected imder the 
patronage of the state in eight of the academies have been in opera- 
tion about two years, and the last reports from them present favor- 
able results. The number of students attending them is steadily 
increasing; they are resorted to as sources for supplying the demand 
for teachers, and the services of those instructed in them are on that 
account considered more valuable and readily command a higher rate 
of compensation. 

But no success that can attend those already established will make 
them competent to supply in any considerable degree the demand for 
teachers; it has, therefore, been proposed to increase the number of 
such departments in each senate district of the state by devoting to 
that purpose a portion of the income to be derived from the deposit 
of the public moneys. It is well worthy of your consideration, 
whether still better results might not be obtained by county normal 
schools established and maintained on principles analogous to those 
on which our system of common schools is founded. If the people 
were fully sensible how much the usefulness of our common schools 
would be increased by being generally furnished with competent in- 
structors it is presumed they would cheerfully contribute the means 

361 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

required to secure this advantage. Though there are conceded diflS- 
culties in the way of procuring an adequate supply of these instruc- 
tors, yet the cause of education is so deeply interested in having it 
done to the utmost practical extent that you will doubtless regard it 
as an object every way deserving your consideration. 

In 1839 Governor Marcy was succeeded by Governor 
William H. Seward. In his first message he said: "We 
seem at last to have ascertained the only practicable manner 
of introducing normal schools into our country. It is by 
engrafting that system upon our academies. I ardently hope 
you will adopt such further legislation as is required to make 
this effort successful." 

Quotations almost without number might be made from 
the governors of the state and from the superintendents of 
common schools favoring the establishment of schools for 
the training of teachers. There was little opposition to the 
general proposition, but there was a wide difference as to 
the means to be adopted. As will be noticed from the preced- 
ing extracts, the prevailing thought was to make use of the 
existing academies. There was an appreciation of the fact 
that they could not provide teachers in sufficient numbers, 
but it did not seem to occur to those interested in the matter 
that the training departments in academies would be incidents 
in the work of the academy and never a matter of leading 
importance and that the strength of the schools would go in 
other directions. It is a question if the same objection does 
not hold against the present training classes. Supervision 
by the state will probably lessen the objection but the train- 
ing classes in schools and academies will rarely be more than 
an incident in the work of the schools sustaining such classes. 
County normal schools or other schools that devote their 
whole energies to the training of teachers must inevitably 
give more satisfactory results. 

The struggle for the establishment of one or more normal 
schools went on, not only in the legislature, but throughout 
the state. At a meeting of the State Teachers' Association 

362 




w 



THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 

eminent speakers both from within and without the state 
advocated the idea. Tiie outcome was the establish incut of a 
state normal school in Albany in 1844. 

The battle was won. A second school was established at 
Oswego in 1SG3, followed in 18GG by tlircK! oth(;rs located at 
Cortland, Fredonia and Potsdam. The following? year three 
more were established, located at (Jenesco, Urockport and 
Buffalo. One was established at New Palt/ in 1885, one at 
Oneonta in 1887 and at Pl;ittsl)urg in 181)0. The last to be 
established by the state was at Jamaica in 1897, but it is 
clear that others must be establish(!d in the near future if 
the needs of the service are to be met. 

In 1890 the Albany Normal School was chartered by the 
Regents of the University of the State of New York as the 
Albany Normal College. It is now called State Colhige for 
Teachers. It trains its students to become teachers in higher 
schools, principals of high schools, and for tlu; work of school 
superintendence. The other normal s(;hools of the state aira 
to prepare teachers for primary and grammar school woik. 

Training Schools and Classes..— The academics of the state 
were early used as training schools for tin; pr'cparaliou oC 
teachers for the common schools. In 1835 one sfiminary in 
each of the senate distri(;ts of tin; state;, then (^ight in number, 
was appointed to instruct teachers. Tliesf; scliools wore, 
selected by the Regents who named Erasmus Hall of Kings 
County, Montgomery Acatbimy of Orange (bounty. Kinder- 
hook Academy of Columbia (^ounty, St. Lawrence Academy 
of St. Lawrence County, Fairfield Academy of Herkimer 
County, Oxford Academy of Ch(!nango County, Canandaigua 
Academy of Ontario County, and iMiddlcbury Acadetny of 
Genesee County. 

Each of these schools was given $500 for the purchase 
of books, apparatus, maps, charts and glob(;s and $400 annually 
for the training of teachers. The number of training classes 
for teachers increased from time to time until the beginning 
of the administration of Superintendent Draper when there 
were 195 such classes with 2,076 students, all of these schools 

363 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

being under the control and direction of the Board of Regents. 
As the graduates of these classes nearly all taught in the 
public schools, it was thought rather incongruous to have the 
training of these to-be teachers under the exclusive control 
of one body and their certification and direction under an- 
other, so in 1889 the control of the training classes was 
transferred to the superintendent of public instruction. 

Governor DeWitt Clinton, in his message to the legislature 
in 1828, gave direction to public thought that seven years later 
led to the establishment of the first schools for the training 
of teachers. There are now 113 training classes thait furnish 
about 1,200 teachers each year. In addition, the cities of 
Albany, Buffalo, Cohoes, Elmira, Jamestown, New York, 
Brooklyn, Jamaica, Rochester, Schenectady, Syracuse, Troy, 
Watertown and Yonkers maintain training schools and pre- 
pare about 800 teachers each year. The normal schools gradu- 
ate about 1,100 students each year so that in all ways some- 
thing over 3,000 new teachers, having some professional train- 
ing, are added to the teaching force each year. It is at least 
probable that the time is not very far distant when all the 
teachers employed by the state will be professionally trained 
to some extent. 

School Libraries 

In 1827 Governor DeWitt Clinton suggested to the legis- 
lature the wisdom of having a small collection of books in 
each school library. Probably this was the first public utter- 
ance on that subject. 

In 1833 John A. Dix, then superintendent of common 
schools, said: "If the inhabitants of school districts were 
authorized to levy a tax upon their property for the purpose 
of purchasing libraries for the use of the district, such a 
power might, with proper restrictions, become a most 
efficient instrument for the diffusion of useful knowledge, and 
in elevating the intellectual character of the people." The 
following year such a law was enacted. 

364 



THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 

In 1835 the foundation of the school district library was 
laid. A law was enacted authorizing the taxable inhabitants 
of the several school districts to impose a tax of not more 
than twenty dollars the first year, nor more than ten doUars 
in any subsequent year, for the purpose of establishing a 
district library. 

In 1838 Governor Marcy suggested that a portion of the 
income from the United States Deposit Fund be used for the 
purchase of school district libraries in all cases in which 
the districts raised by taxation a sum equal to that con- 
tributed by the state. The legislature acted upon his sugges- 
tion and voted $55,000 a year for this purpose. 

In 1839 Governor Seward advocated the extension of the 
district libraries. The same year, John A. Dix, the superin- 
tendent of common schools, said: 



Common school libraries are in the strictest sense institutions for 
the benefit of the people. They are, like the common schools, among 
the most effectual means of correcting, so far as human regulations 
can correct them, those inequalities of condition which arise from 
superior advantages of fortune. The intellectual endowments of 
men are various, and it is therefore in the order of nature that indi- 
viduals shall not enter on equal terms into competition with each 
other for the acquisition of wealth, honor, and political distinctions. 
But it is in the power of human government to guard, to a certain 
extent, against greater inequalities, by providing proper means of 
intellectual improvement for all. . . . The children of men of wealth 
will always be supplied with books from their own resources, but the 
children of those who are unable to purchase libraries must, at the 
termination of their common school course, be deprived in a great 
degree, of the means of improvement unless public libraries are estab- 
lished and placed within their reach. Common school libraries are 
therefore particularly calculated to benefit persons of limited means, 
and they should comprise works on all subjects of practical useful- 
ness, as well as books designed to excite a taste for reading. . . . 
However great may be the advantage to result to individuals from 
an extensive diffusion of books, these considerations are of far less 
importance than the public benefit which it promises. An intellec- 

3G5 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

tual and reading community is far more secure against the prevalence 
of vice and a taste for the grosser gratifications, than an unenlight- 
ened people. 

In 1839 Governor Seward said, in his annual message to 
the legislature: 

Provision has been made for the establishment of common school 
libraries. If I do not gi'eatly err, this cheap and easy mode of bring- 
ing into contact with the juvenile powers the discoveries of science 
and the mysteries of the arts, will be the era of a new impulse to 
the cause of education. The common schools may resist every other 
influence but they cannot withstand that of the general improvement 
of the community. I cannot too earnestly solicit your cooperation 
in the beginning in this wise and momentous policy. 

In 1840 Seward said: "You will learn with great satis- 
faction that the law providing for the establishment of 
libraries in the school districts has been carried into success- 
ful operation in most parts of the state." 

In 1841 he said: 

Of these school districts there are very few which have not com- 
plied with the act providing for the establishment of school district 
libraries, and there are at this time in these various district libraries 
about one million volumes. Within the five years limited by the law 
there will have been expended in the purchase of books more than 
half a million dollars. Although an injudicious choice of books is 
sometimes made, these libraries generally include history and biog- 
raphy, voyages and travels, woi'ks on natural history, and the phys- 
ical sciences, treatises upon agriculture, commerce, manufactures and 
the arts, and judicious selections from modem literature. 

In 1846 Governor Silas "Wright reported that there were 
1,145,250 volumes in the school district libraries, 106,854 hav- 
ing been added in the past year at a cost of $95,158.25. 

In 1848 Governor Hamilton Fish said : ' ' Intimately con- 
nected with the success of our institutions of learning is the 
establishment and support of libraries for the use of the 
public. The liberal and far-seeing policy of the law of 1838 

366 



THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 

provided for the formation and gradual increase of libraries 
in each of the school districts of the state. During the past 
year $81,624.05 have been expended by the state for this 
object. Upwards of one million three hundred thousand 
volumes have already been distributed carrying the means of 
mental culture into every portion of our widespread terri- 
tory." 

In 1849 the superintendent of common schools, in a report 
to the legislature, said: 

Every volume in a well selected library is a perpetual teacher to 
all who will go to it for instruction ; that the district libraries cannot 
be too large, and that the people are in no danger of learning too 
much. . . . Selections for the district libraries are made from the 
whole range of literature and science with the exception of contro- 
versial books, political or religious, history, biography, poetiy, philos- 
ophy, mental, moral, and natural, fiction — indeed evei-y department of 
human knowledge contributes its share. The object of this great 
charity was not merely to furnish books for children but to establish 
in all the school districts a miscellaneous library suited to the tastes 
and character of every age. 

In course of time interest in district libraries began to 
decline. Fewer purchases were made, and the libraries were 
not as well cared for. In 1882 Governor Cornell, in com- 
menting on this condition, said : ' ' The constant decline of 
the school district libraries affords striking evidence of the 
necessity for more liberal provision for their support." In 
1860 the number of volumes in the district libraries was 
1,288,536. In 1881 there were only 707,155. In 1884, after 
$50,000 a year or more had been appropriated for district 
libraries for forty-six years, there were 900,000 fewer books 
in the district libraries than there were in 1853. This condi- 
tion is easily explained. The amount that a single district 
could get from the state was so small that often it was 
not thought worth while to make use of it. After 1851 the 
trustees were authorized to use the amount coming to them 
for the payment of teachers' wages and this was commonly 

367 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

done. For many years the librarian was elected at the annual 
meeting. Often the person selected would not accept and 
the vacancy was not filled before the following year. 
In course of time no one was elected. The librarian kept the 
library in his own house and there were no regular hours 
during which one might come for books. One might go for 
a book and find neither the librarian nor anyone else at 
home. Very often children were not welcome, and sometimes 
no one was. Books were lent without any record of the loan 
being made. Books were scattered and lost. No one took any 
interest. This, of course, did not apply to all districts but it 
did to very many of them. 

In 1892 a law was enacted that made a sharp distinction 
between public libraries and school libraries. The former 
were placed under the supervision of the Board of Regents, 
the latter under the control of the superintendent of public 
instruction. The act of 1892 provided that the library money 
of the state should be divided giving each city and each county 
its proper share but that no city or school district should 
draw any public money unless it raised an equal amount, both 
funds being expended for books approved by the depart- 
ment. This plan did not work very well and much of the 
money was not called for by the districts. One reason was 
that no small district could secure a very large sum in any 
one year. Later the plan was modified so that a common 
school district could draw from the state for library books, 
maps or globes $18 each year plus $2 for each teacher em- 
ployed, provided the district raised an equal amount and 
both were expended for approved purchases. If a district 
wished to raise a smaller sum it might do so, and have 
the amount it raised duplicated. Academic schools were 
allowed to expend $268 plus $2 for each teacher employed. 
This sum was duplicated by the state for approved purchases 
but it might be expended for approved apparatus or pictures, 
as well as for library books, globes and maps. This plan is 
still followed and the libraries have taken on new life. 

Of the 10,544 school districts in the state there are only 

368 



THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 

43 maintaining schools that are without libraries. The 
average number of books in common district libraries is not 
far from 175. The academic schools have a much larger 
number, sometimes running into the thousands. The future 
growth and use of the school libraries are likely to be very 
marked. 

Examinations 

New York has made much more of examinations than has 
any other state in the Union. She has guarded the entrance 
to professions as no other state has attempted to do. There 
is widespread criticism of New York's system of examina- 
tions, largely based upon ignorance as to the facts. 

In the early history of our state system of schools the 
examination of teachers for the purpose of determining their 
fitness to teach was largely a farce. This is still true of some 
states. When this duty is performed by local officers, there 
will be as many standards as there are examiners. In addi- 
tion to this, there is always danger of favoritism. 

It was not until the administration of Dr. Draper as super- 
intendent of public instruction that any uniformity in the 
matter of examining candidates for teaching was brought 
about. Under his administration a bill passed the legislature 
providing for uniform examinations throughout the state. 
This act was vetoed by Governor Hill. Dr. Draper then ap- 
pealed to the school commissioners of the state to voluntarily 
adopt a uniform system. Nearly all of them responded favor- 
ably, and the few who did not soon thought better of it. 

In the early days the state superintendent of public in- 
struction issued state certificates on the recommendation of a 
school commissioner or other person in whose judgment he 
had confidence, but this system also was abandoned and such 
certificates are now issued only as the result of written exam- 
inations, passed upon by a board of examiners. The state 
plan of certifying teachers is rather complicated, perhaps too 
much so, but no one is certified except as the result of passing 

369 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

some examination. Not only that but every person has an 
equal opportunity with all others. 

Early in our history what was known as the literature 
fund was distributed among the secondary schools of the state 
on the basis of attendance of academic pupils. Each princi- 
pal of a school determined who were the academic pupils in 
his school. Here again there were as many different stand- 
ards as there were secondary schools. The evils growing out 
of the conditions were so apparent that the Regents issued 
question papers in arithmetic, grammar, geography and spell- 
ing, and the students who passed these subjects were counted 
as academic students. But the principals determined who 
had passed and here again were different standards. The 
examinations were not held at the same time in all the schools 
and there was no certainty that pupils might not sometimes 
see the question papers before having to take the examina- 
tions. Then, in many cases, the money received from the 
literature fund, which was a considerable amount, often went 
to the principal, as most of the secondary schools of that time 
were private schools, and the temptation to be lenient in 
marking was greater than some were able to resist. 

These facts became so apparent that the Regents provided 
that the examinations in a given subject should be held in all 
schools at the same hour, and that the question papers should 
not be opened till the hour of the examination. All answer 
papers were to be sent to Albany for examination. 

The Regents' examinations have been so carefully worked 
out and chance for error or dishonesty so guarded against 
that many colleges both within and without the state accept 
the pass-cards earned in these examinations in lieu of an 
entrance examination conducted at the college. Not only this, 
but laws have been enacted providing that students must have 
earned pass-cards in given subjects before they can be ad- 
mitted to professional schools. No other state has even at- 
tempted to guard the entrance to the professions as carefully 
as has New York. 



370 



THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 

Higher Education 

After the close of the Revolution New York bestirred her- 
self in regard to education as has already been shown. Col- 
leges and academies were chartered as early as 1784. Union 
free schools, really high schools, were established as early as 
1853. Nearly two hundred academies were chartered and did 
most excellent work. Most of these have been discontinued 
and public high schools have taken their place. Children 
living in a district in which there is no high school have their 
tuition paid by the state to enable them to attend the nearest 
high school, when they are prepared to take up high school 
work. 

There was never a state university in New York or a 
serious thought of one, but in its own way the state settled the 
question of higher education. When Cornell University was 
founded, it was provided that there should be a given number 
of free scholarships, these being awarded as the result of a 
competitive examination. This opened the way to only a 
small number. Recently the state has provided for three 
thousand state scholarships ; each year seven hundred and 
fifty are to be awarded, five for each assembly district. These 
are not determined by a competitive examination at the close 
of their high school course, but are awarded to the five stu- 
dents who have had the highest average standing during the 
whole four years of their high school course. The students 
who earn these scholarships may enter any approved college 
in the state and have their tuition paid by the state. 

Space will not permit anything like a full history of the 
public educational system of the state of New York. It should 
be noted that New York early took up the question of compul- 
sory education and has kept at it persistently, strengthening 
the law year by year, increasing the attendance and lessening 
illiteracy. Our state has provided for the blind, deaf, feeble- 
minded and other unfortunate classes. It has undertaken to 
aid in the matter of visual instruction through the lending of 
pictures, lantern slides and in other ways. Much has been 

371 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

done in the way of aiding weaker districts financially and 
plans are now being worked out for the benefit of pupils in 
rural districts, so as to give them as good a chance for an 
education as can be had anywhere in the state. 

With the death of Commissioner Draper there came the 
end of an epoch in our educational history, the end of a 
period of great accomplishments, the firm establishment of 
certain educational principles, and the general acceptance 
of given educational ideals. It is hoped and believed that the 
end of one period in our educational history is to be closely 
followed by the opening of another of even greater accom- 
plishment, and this largely because the administration of Dr. 
Draper has led to higher ideals of the duty of the public in 
the education of the young. 

A brief sketch of the character of Andrew S. Draper, and 
what he accomplished for the state he loved so well, should be 
given at this time. It is fitting that it should become a part 
of our history and known to all men. Dr. Draper was not a 
genius possessing great originality, but he was a rare educa- 
tional administrator. In that he has not been equaled by 
anyone in our country, possibly not by anyone of any country. 
He had not that pride of opinion, the weakness of small minds, 
that prevented him from accepting opinions of others and 
acting upon them. His mind was always open to suggestions 
from any source and he was ready to act upon such sugges- 
tions as seemed to him to promise success. 

Having once decided that a given thing should be done, 
the matter was settled permanently in his mind and rebuffs 
and temporary failures did not dishearten him, yet he had, 
as all great administrators have had, the ability to bide his 
time and seize the favorable moment for action when it arose. 
Because of his readiness to accept the suggestions of others 
and act upon them, we shall never know to what extent the 
work of his administration originated in his own mind. But 
we do know that whoever they may have originated with, they 
became his by adoption before he took action. 

His career clearly shows that men succeed or fail in life, 

372 



THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 

not primarily because of the opportunities they may have 
had, but because of what they are. Dr. Draper was not what 
is generally called an educated man — at least his schooling 
was somewhat meager. Although the successful president of 
a great university, he was not a college graduate nor had he 
ever attended any college, if we except his course at the 
Albany Law School. How then was he fitted for his great 
work? He knew men. He was a masterful man. He saw 
clearly and clung to his purposes persistently. He always 
prepared himself as fully as possible for every occasion that 
he knew was likely to arise. He had no disastrous pride of 
opinion. He had not that fear of failure that prevented 
action. Added to these characteristics was, after all, a thor- 
ough training for life, though not altogether that given in 
schools. He was born in the country. When a mere boy he 
began to be self-supporting. He graduated from the Albany 
Academy in 1860. He taught in a private country school 
and was the principal of a little village school. His experi- 
ence as a teacher Avas brief. He had some business experience 
in a subordinate capacity. He graduated from the Albany 
Law School in 1871. He was a practising lawyer and later 
a judge. He was a strong temperance man and, at one time, 
the state leader of a temperance organization and spoke on 
temperance many times throughout the state. He was an 
active politician and came to see a side of human nature that 
only politicians usually do. He was at the head of his party 
organization in Albany. He became a member of the legis- 
lature. No preparation in all this, one would say, for educa- 
tional work, yet events proved it the best possible prepara- 
tion. It made him easily the master of men. It trained him 
to understand the public. It led him to appreciate the value 
of organization without which no great work can be done. It 
made him an untiring worker. It led him to be quick to see 
danger signals and to prepare for the coming of adverse criti- 
cisms. 

When elected superintendent of public instruction his 
election was denounced by school men almost universally but, 

373 



NEW YORK'S PART IN HISTORY 

politician that he was and as he always remained, from the 
outset partisan polities did not enter into the administration 
of the great department over which he presided. After two 
terms in office he was succeeded by a Democrat. He served 
for two years as superintendent of schools in Cleveland with 
marked success — then ten years more in Illinois as president 
of the University of Illinois. Here again he made a most 
enviable record. Called back to his native state at the time 
of unification, he spent the remainder of his life in the service 
of his native state. During this period, and during earlier 
years, Dr. Draper spoke in many states on widely differing 
phases of education. He also wrote many magazine articles. 

Briefly, the work accomplished by Commissioner Draper 
in the state of New York was as follows: The schools were 
removed from the influence of partisan politics ; uniform 
examinations for teachers were established ; great advances 
were made in the professional training of teachers; that the 
schools are state and not local institutions came to be recog- 
nized ; secondary education was greatly strengthened ; he har- 
monized the contending factional education interests of the 
state ; he provided for free state college scholarships ; he 
secured the erection of a magnificent educational building in 
which were housed the state library, the state museum and 
all the other educational agencies of the state. 

Let us honor the man who has put his state far in advance 
of all her sister states in the matter of training her sons and 
daughters to be good and efficient citizens. No greater work 
can be done. 



In preparing the preceding chapter the following- authorities were 
consulted and acknowledgments are hereby rendered for assistance 
received : 

Bardeen, C. W., Andrew Sloan Draper. 

Draper, Andrew S., The New York Common School System. 

FiNEGAN, Thomas E., Elementary Education. 

, The Establishment and Development of New York's 

School System. 

374 



THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 

Fitch, Charles E., A Histoid of the Common School of New 
York. 

Horner, H. H., Andrew Sloan Draper". 

Hough, Franklin B., Historical and Statistical Record. 

KiLPATRiCK, William H., The Dutch Schools of New Netherland 
and Colonial New York. 

Lincoln, Charles Z., Mes.sages of the Governors. 

Miller, John, The School System of the State of New York. 

Pratt, Daniel J., Annals of Public Education of the State of 
New York, 

Randall, S. S., History of the Common School System of the 
State of New York. 

Annual Reports of Department of Public Instruction. 

Department of Public Instruction. 

The Schools of New York. 

Reports of the Regents of the University of the State of New 
York. 



INDEX 



Abenakis, 5, 13 

Abercrombie, Gen. James, 51, 83, 
84, 92, 94-99 

Acadia, 62, 79 

Acadiang, 70, 79 

Adams, John, 2, 84 

Adirondack Mountains, 21 

Adirondaeks, 5, 7, 12, 13, 336 

Aix-la-Chapelle, 76 

Alaska, 314, 315, 322, 323-326 

Akin, 41 

Albany, 22, 29, 33, 35, 41, 44, 47, 
60, 63, 65, 69-74, 78-80, 86, 
87, 105, 134, 136, 137, 145, 
157, 158, 164, 174, 175, 188, 
190-193, 207, 234, 241, 242, 
251, 252, 258, 260, 266, 270, 
271, 281, 315, 322-327, 329, 
340 
names of, 192 

Albany County, 49, 111 

Albany Evening Journal, 317 

Albany Gasette, 191 

Albany Normal School, 363 

Albany plan of union, 205, 206 

Alden, Col. Ichabod, 225, 226 

Alexander, D. A., 312 

Alexander, James, 171, 178-181 

Alexander, Sir William, 62 

Alexandria, 77 

Algonquins, 1-7, 17, 18, 20-23, 28, 
36, 60, 103, 121, 122, 124, 190 

Allegheny River, 12, 55, 76, 190, 
275, 355 

AUerton, Isaac, 118 

Amherst, Gen. Jeffery, 94, 99-100 

Amsterdam, 103, 110, 113, 131 



Anabaptists, 129 
Andastes, 3, 16, 17, 24-25 
Andres, Gov. Edmund, 145, 148, 

152, 153, 155 
Andrustown, 220, 222 
Anne, Queen, 169 
Anti-Masons, 317 
Anti-rent War, 145 
Arnold, Benedict, 244, 258-260, 

267-270 
Articles of Confederation, 287, 

289, 293, 294 
Assembly, 74, 75, 167, 168 

weakness of, 289, 290 
Assembly of Nineteen, 111 

Bancroft, George, 66 
Baptists, 109, 130 
Barclay, 95 
Battenkill, 247, 269 
Battles: Bemis Heights, 270 

Bennington, 217, 265, 26S 

Freeman's Farm, 268-270 

Harlem, 217 

Johnstown, 216, 217, 237, 239 

Lake Champlain, 217 

Long Island, 217, 286 

Newtown, 217 

Oriskany, 216, 217, 268 

Princeton, 286 

Saratoga, 216, 217 

Trenton, 286 

White Plains, 217 
Baum, Col., 263-266 
Bayard, Nicholas, 155, 156, 159, 

164, 166-167. 
Beau Sejour, 79 



377 



INDEX 



Beaugeau, Capt., 77 
Beauharnois, Gov., 72 
Beekman, Col. Henry, 164 
Beeren Island, 139 
Bchring Sea, 325 
Belletre, 93 

Bellinger, Col, Peter, 254 
Belloraont, Earl of, 68, 163-165, 

168, 195, 196 
Bemis Heights, 268-269 
Bennington, 262-266 
Bergen, 340 
Beverswyck, 144, 190 
Bienville, Sieur de Le Moyne, 76 
Bigot, 93 
Binghamton, 278 
Blackfeet, 5 
Block Adriaen, 106 
Bloody Morning Scout, 82 
Bloody Pond, 81, 82 
Board of Eegents, 146, 342, 343, 

350, 352-355, 357, 370 
Bogardus, Everardus, Eev., 113- 

115, 119, 120, 122, 128 
Boone, Daniel, 304 
Boquet River, 24'3, 262 
Boston, 70, 75 
Bourgainville, 93 
Bowling Green, 119, 155 
Boyd, Lieut., 278, 279 
Braddock, Gen. Edward, 47, 51, 

77, 78, 83, 85 
Bradford, Gov. William, 132, 175, 

179 
Bradley, A. G., 89, 95 
Bradstreet, Col., 72, 98, 99 
Brant, Joseph, 42, 43, 222-224, 

227, 228, 230, 232, 233, 253, 

255, 278, 279 
Brant, Molly, 42, 43 
Breyman, Col., 264-266 
British, 241-242, 246 
Brodhead, Col. Daniel, 275 
Brooklyn, 340 



Brouer, Capt. Jan, 137 

Brown, Col. John, 234, 235 

Brule, Stephen, 24 

Brunas, 68 

Buchanan, James, 323 

Buffalo, 327, 329, 356 

Burgoyne, Gen. John, 96, 188, 191, 

241-243, 245-253, 259-264, 266, 

268-271 
Burnet, Gov. William, 71, 174, 175, 

196, 197, 222 
Burr, Aaron, 312 
Bushwick, 340 
Butler, Benjamin, 325 
Butler, Col. John, 224, 253, 258, 

279 
Butler, Col. William, 224 
Butler, Walter, 224, 227, 228, 232, 

237-239, 279 
Butternut Creek, 225 

Cabot, John, 58 

California, 319, 320 

Cambridge, 263, 264 

Canada, 3, 12, 15, 18, 19, 25, 26, 
28, 31, 33-37, 49-53, 60, 63, 
66, 69, 71, 76, 79, 83, 88, 93, 
98, 151, 158, 174, 194, 216, 
217, 233, 236, 237, 260, 270, 
281, 300 

Canadians, 82, 100 

Canajoharie, 225, 232, 238, 253, 
277 

Canal Commission, 330, 331 

Canals, 13, 146, 334-335 

Canandaigua, 281 

Canaseraga Creek, 281 

Canseau, 75 

Carleton, Sir Guy, 242, 260 

Carlyle, 102 

Carolinas, 2 

Cartier, Jacques, 3, 58 

Carver, Joseph, 328 

Castle Island, 190 



378 



INDEX 



Castleton, 246, 247, 260 

Cat Nation, 2 

Catawbas, 13, 201, 202 

Catherinestown, 281 

Catskill, 224 

Catskill Indians, 13 

Caughnawaga, 69, 193, 234 

Caughnawagas, 69 

Cayuga and Seneca Canal, 235 

Cayugas, 3-6, 13, 31, 150, 227, 280, 

282 
Chambly, 20 
Champlain, Samuel, 1, 19, 21-25, 

58, 62, 63, 102 
Champlain Valley, 61, 72, 99 
Charlotte River, 225, 230, 233 
Charter of Liberties, 149, 150 
Chase, Salmon P., 319 
Chemung Canal, 235 
Chenandoanes, 281 
Chenango Canal, 235 
Cherokees, 2, 6, 13 
Cherry Valley, 217, 220, 225, 

226 
Cherry Valley Lake, 225 
Cherry Valley Eoad, 225 
Chesapeake Bay, 104, 271 
Cheyennes, 5 
Chief Abraham, 42, 204 
Chiefs, 8, 10 

Christiansen, Hendrick, 106 
Church of England, 161, 162 
Clans, 7, 9 

Clarke, Gov. George, 198 
Classis of Amsterdam, 339 
Claus, Col. Daniel, 42, 253, 258 
Clinton, Gen. James, 224, 228, 275- 

278 
Clinton, Gov. DeWitt, 219, 330- 

332, 341, 359, 360, 364 
Clinton, Gov. George, 234, 295, 

328, 329 
as colonial governor, 49, 75, 198, 

200-202 



Clinton, Gov. George, messages of, 

in favor of public education, 

343-345, 352 
Clinton, Sir Henry, 270, 271 
Clyde, Col. Samuel, 235 
Cobleskill, 220 
Colden, Cadwallader, 175, 178, 

179, 200, 201, 328 
Cole, Col., 81 

Coles, Christopher, 328, 329 
Columbia County, 111, 136 
Commissioner of Education, 355 
Compulsory education, 352 
Concord, 261 
Conestogas, 3 
Confederacy, the, 32 
Congress, 287, 289, 304 
Connecticut, 71, 155, 158 
Connecticut Eiver, 106, 133 
Connecticut Valley, 74 
Convocation of the University, 354 
Coorn, Nicholas, 139-141 
Corlear, 44 

Corlear 's Hook, 122, 123 
Cornbury, Lord, 166-168, 341 
Cornell, Gov. Alonzo B., 367 
Cornell University, 371 
Cornplanter, 10, 233 
Cosby, Gov. William, 175-181 
Council, Fort Stanwix, 54, 55 
Great Niagara, 54 
at Johnson Hall, 48, 54, 55 
Councils, Indian, 9-11, 47, 48, 51-53 
Counties founded under Dongan, 

150 
Courcelle, 28-30, 32, 63 
Courts founded by Dongan, 150 
Cox, Col. Ebenezer, 253, 254 
Crees, 5 

Crooked Lake Canal, 335 
Crown Point, 69, 72-74, 76, 79, 82, 

85, 86, 90, 92, 94, 99, 100, 204, 

216, 244, 261 
Cuba, 323 



379 



INDEX 



Cumberland Head, 243 
Cunahunta, 225 
Currietown, 236 
Cuylersville, 281 

Dacotah, 2 

Decanesora, 195 

Deerfield, 73 

DeFormoy, Gen., 246 

De la Barre, 150 

DeLancey, Gov. James, 177-180, 

204, 341 
DeLancey, Stephen, 40 
Delaware and Hudson Canal, 334 
Delaware Bay, 104, 133 
Delaware County, 229 
Delaware Eiver, 12, 55, 116, 131, 

136, 189, 230, 239 
Delawares, 5, 13, 15, 83 
DeUius, Dominie, 72, 164, 169 
Denman, Supt. Jacob S., 358 
Denonville, Marquis de, 31-36, 72, 

150, 151 
Deposit, 55 
Detroit, 17, 53 
Devil's Hole Massacre, 53 
DeVries, Capt., 115, 122-124 
DeWitt, Simeon, 329, 330 
Dieskau Baron, 80-82 
Dinwiddie, Gov., 76, 204 
District superintendents, 356 
Dix, John A., 364-366 
Dongan, Gov. Thomas, 33, 

147-152, 193 
Doxstader, John, 237 
Draper, Andrew S., 337, 355, 

369, 372-374 
Dresden, 335 
Duane, James, 295 
Duke of Cumberland, 52, 83 
Duke of York, 133, 134, 145, 

150 
Dutch, the, 1, 23, 28, 29, 58, 

103, 105-107, 114-116, 



145, 



364, 



148- 

102, 
120- 



125, 129, 131, 133, 145, 148, 
153, 161, 168, 338, 340 

Dutch East India Company, 103, 
105 

Dutch Eeformed Church, 109, 129, 

152, 164 

Dutch West India Company, 107, 
109, 111, 113, 116, 118, 126- 
129, 133, 136-139, 144, 339 

Dutchess County, 164 

East Canada Creek, 41 

East Florida, 305 

East River, 116, 119 

Easton, 276 

Edmeston, 223 

Eelkins, Jacob, 115-116 

Eight Men, the, 125-127 

Eliot, John, 119 

Elizabeth town, 276, 285 

Elmira, 279, 335 

Empire State, 336 

England, 76, 77, 83, 95, 133, 148, 

153, 168, 297, 300, 341 
English, the, 2, 3, 29, 45, 50, 51, 

54, 59-62, 71-73, 75, 81-83, 88, 

89, 94, 97, 99, 115, 133, 145, 

151, 161, 340, 341 
English Independents, 129 
Erie Canal, 219, 327, 328, 332, 

334, 335 
celebration of completion of, 

332-333 
first boat through, 332 
Eries, the, 2, 6, 13, 16, 17 
Esopus, 106 
Esopus Creek, 188 
Esopus Indians, 5, 13, 106 
Evans, John, 165 
Eyre, Maj., 91 

Fantine Kill, 228 
Father Hennepin, 14 
Fawcett, Eachel, 283 



380 



INDEX 



Federal Convention, 290-297 

members of, 292 
Federalist, The, 294 
Fish, Hamilton, 367 
Fish Creek, 74, 269 
Fiske, John, 7, 97, 117, 168, 248, 

267, 294 
Five Nations, 3, 6, 14, 36, 49, 66, 

68, 69, 71, 151, 193-196 
Flatbush, 340 
Flatlands, 340 

Fletcher, Gov. Benjamin, 161-166, 
194, 195 
land grants of, 162 
Floridas, the, 305, 306, 309 
Flushing, 130 
Folsom, Capt., 82 
Forbes. Gen., 94, 246 
Fort Stanwix Treaty, 54, 55 
Forts: Amsterdam, 115, 121, 124, 
134 
Anne, 60, 69, 246, 249 
Carillon, 83 
Dayton, 223, 228, 233, 235, 236, 

239, 253, 257, 258 
Duquesne, 77, 94, 99, 244 
Edward, 60, 69, 74, 79, 82, 84, 
86-89, 91, 92, 242, 246-252, 
260, 266 
Frederick, 192 
Freeman's Farm, 269, 270 
Frontenac, 36, 60, 76, 85, 98, 99 
Herkimer, 223 
Hunter, 234, 237 
Independence, 246 
James, 134, 150, 154, 156 
Johnson, 51 
Lyman, 79 
Miller, 251 
Niagara, 99 
Nicholson, 69, 74 
Orange, 27, 28, 110, 115, 116, 
119, 123, 124, 132-134, 137- 
139, 141-143, 145, 158, 190, 191 



Forts- Oswego, 71, 72, 85, 98, 99 
Pitt, 53, 99 
Plain, 228, 232, 234 
Rensselaer, 237 
Eoland, 33 

St. Frederick, 72, 73 76 
St. Therese, 28 
Saratoga, 69 
Schlosser, 53 
Schuyler, 232, 252, 253, 258, 

260, 268 

Stanwix, 55, 60, 242, 245, 251- 

253 
Sullivan, 278 
William, 155 
William Henry, 27, 29, 83, 86, 

89-92, 94, 95, 97, 98, 258 
Foxes, 5 
France, 30, 70, 76, 77, 83, 153, 

271, 299-302, 305, 309, 310, 

312 
Francis, Col., 246 

Franklin, Benjamin, 77, 205, 312 
Fraser, Gen., 242, 246, 247, 263 
Free School Act, 351, 352 
Freedoms and exemptions, 339 
French, the, 18-20, 23, 25, 28-32, 

35-37, 50, 51, 56, 59-62, 66, 

70-73, 75, 80-83, 88, 89, 91. 

93, 94, 97, 99, 103, 150, 151, 

174, 188 
French Creek, 275 
Frontenac, Gov., 35-37, 63, 66, 153 
Frontenac 's expedition against the 

Mohawks, 66, 67 
Frye, Col., 76 

Gansevoort, Col., 232, 242, 252-255, 

257-260, 268 
Garangula, 10 
Gardinier, Capt., 256 
Garrard, Gov., 305 
Gates, Gen. Horatio, 244. 245, 260, 

261, 267-271, 274, 313 



381 



INDEX 



Gathtsegwarohare, 281 

Genesee Canal, 335 

Genesee Eiver, 12, 14, 190, 281 

Genesee Valley, 224, 230, 275, 279, 

280, 327 
Geneva, 281 
Georgia, 2 
Georgian Bay, 315 
Gormaine, Lord, 241, 242, 266 
German Flatts, 53, 93, 220, 222, 

254 
Germans, 93 
Gerritson, Wolfort, 137 
Golden Hill, 216 
Gomez, Stephen, 105 

Good Hope, the, 141 

Goshen, 229, 230 

Governor's Island, 116, 132 

Grant, Mrs., 191 

Grassy Brook, 229 

Great Britain, 290 

Great Central Trail, 210 
branches of, 212 

Great Genesee Castle, 281 

Great Lakes, 99 

Great Southern Trail, 48, 213 

Great Warpath, 59 

Green Mountains, 21 

Greene, Gen. Nathaniel, 286 

Gulf of Mexico, 61, 300 

Gulf of St. Lawrence, 61 



Hale, Col., 246, 247 

Half Moon, the, 22, 103, 104, 

Half-Way Brook, 69, 91, 92 

Halifax, 86 

Hamble, William, 226 

Hamilton, Alexander, 283-285, 

291-298 
Hamilton, Andrew, 181-186 
Hamilton, James, 283 
Hampshire Grants, 266 
Hancock, 55 
Hanneman, Lieut., 264 



251 



286, 



Harlem, 340 

Harper, Capt. Alexander, 230, 232, 

238 
Harpersfield, 231 
Hart, Albert B., 94 
Hathorn, Col., 230 
Havana, 281, 333 
Haverstraw Indians, 13 
Hawley, Gideon, 350, 351, 357 
Helmer, John, 223 
Hempstead, 129 
Henry, Joseph, 191 
Henry, Patrick, 167 
Herkimer, 41, 93, 236 
Herkimer, Gen. Nicholas, 242, 253- 

257, 259, 260, 266 
Herkimer County, 237 
Higher education, 371 
Hill, Col., 246 
Hoboken, 132 
Hodges, Capt., 91 
Hodgson, Eobert, 129 
Holland, 103, 112, 120, 123-125, 
128-131, 133, 134, 138, 139, 
149, 153, 339, 352 
Holmes, George, 116 
Homan, Daniel, 166 
Hoosick, 73 
Hoosick Eiver, 265 
Hoosick Tunnel, 334 
Hornell, 275 
Housatonic Eiver, 106 
Howe, Lord, 94, 97, 241, 242, 262, 

271 
Hubbardtown, 246, 250 
Hudson, Henry, 22, 102-105 
Hudson Eiver, 35, 60, 104, 105, 
116, 137, 164, 173, 188, 216, 
219, 224, 241, 250, 252, 328- 
330, 332 
names of, 105 
Hudson Eiver Valley, 86 
Huguenots, 109, 129, 148, 153, 171 
Hunter, Eobert, 71, 168-172, 174 

382 



INDEX 



Huntington, 149 

Hurons, 3, 4 6, 13-16, 18, 20- 

26, 54 
Hutchinson, Anne, 118 

mini, the, 5, 13, 17 

Indian chiefs, 47, 87 

Indian marriages, 9 

Indian trails, 209-215 

Indian treaties at Albany, 192-204 

Indians, 23, 30, 47, 55, 71-75, 78, 
81, 82, 87-94, 97, 99, 102, 105- 
109, 111, 116-119, 122-126, 
131, 133, 136, 138, 174, 175, 
188, 192, 203, 232, 236, 237, 
239, 253, 255, 257, 259, 260, 
262, 265, 268, 273, 279, 280, 
282, 310 

Ingoldsby, Capt., 194 

Irondequoit Bay, 14, 31, 175 

Iroquois, 1-3, 5, 7, 8, 10, 11, 13- 
21, 23, 25-29, 31-37, 45, 48, 
53, 60, 72, 79, 82, 83, 105, 121, 
150, 151, 158, 190, 192, 197, 
220 

Iroquois supremacy, 12 

Isle of Noix, 100 

Isle of Orleans, 16 
Ithaca, 224, 358 

Jamaica, 149 

Jamestown, 76 

Jans, Annetje, 113, 137 

Jansen, Eoelof, 115, 137 

Jay, John, 285, 288, 294, 295, 312, 

341, 344 
Jefferson, Thomas, 299-305, 308- 

312 
Jemison, Mary, 201 
Jerseyfield, 238 

Jesuits, 16, 31, 151, 193, 194, 196 
Jews, 119, 130 

Jogues, Father, 25-28, 119, 191 
Johnson, Sir Guy, 42 



Johnson, Sir John, 42, 220, 224, 
232-235, 256, 258, 259, 266, 
279 

Johnson, Sir William, 27, 39, 40, 
41-49, 51-54, 56, 57, 77, 79- 
82, 88, 89, 202, 225, 237, 252, 
281 

Johnson Hall, 43, 238 

Johnson's Eoyal Greens, 255 256 

Johnstown, 43, 217, 238 

Joncaire, Capt., 46, 54, 68, 71 

Jones, Capt,, 269 

Kalm, Peter, 191 

Kanandaigua, 46, 281 

Kanedesaga, 281 

Keith, Gov., 109, 196 

Kent, Chancellor, 58, 248 

Kentucky, 303 

Kiekapoos, 5 

Kidd, Capt. William, 163, 165 

Kieft, Gov. William, 109, 110, 113- 

114, 116, 118-127, 129 
King Charles, 63, 150 
King Hendrick, 44, 48, 73, 80-82, 

204 
King James, 133, 151-154, 166, 

194 
King of Spain, 303 
King Philip, 1 
King William, 163, 166 
King's College, 285, 341, 352 
Kingston, 106, 271, 340 
Kirke, Gervaise, 62, 63 
Klock, Col. Jacob, 225, 226, 253 
Klock's Field, 235 
Knox, Eev. Hugh, 285 
Kocherthal, Eev. Joshua, 171, 172 
Kodiack "Island, 325 
Kuyter, Joehem Pietersen, 125-128 

Labrador, 105 
La Chine, 34, 37 
Lackawaxen, 228, 230 



383 



INDEX 



Lakes: Canandaigua, 5 

Cayuga, 5, 14, 224, 279, 280, 

329 
Champlain, 12, 19, 20, 21, 26, 

28, 35, 60, 62, 67, 69, 72, 74, 

80, 90, 92, 216, 217, 241, 329, 

332 
Chautauqua, 76 
Erie, 12, 71, 76, 328, 330 
George, 12, 26-29, 35, 60, 62, 67, 

71, 79-82, 84, 86, 89-92, 95, 
98, 99, 216, 241, 243, 250, 
260 

Huron, 24 

Oneida, 12, 24, 78, 233, 237, 238, 

241, 252, 259 
Onondaga, 14 
Ontario, 3, 20, 23-25, 37, 48, 60, 

72, 76, 85, 98, 175, 198, 241, 
252, 259 

Otsego, 225, 275, 277 

St. Peter, 25 

Saratoga, 28 

Seneca, 3, 15, 23, 24 

Simcoe, 329, 335 

Sturgeon, 23 

Superior, 17, 23, 24 
Lamberville, 68 
La Montagne, 122 
Lansing, Abraham G., 295 
La Prairie, 66 
La Salle, 58 
League of the Iroquois, 4, 5, 7-9, 

11, 219, 282 
Leboeuf, 53 
Leclerc, 302, 303 
Lee, Gen. Charles, 95, 267, 313 
Leisler, Jacob, 64, 152-160, 162, 

164, 165 
Lenni Lenapes, 5, 14 
Lewis, Gov. Morgan, 345 
Lewiston, 53 
Lexington, 261 
Lincoln, Abraham, 322 



Lincoln, Gen., 262, 265, 266, 268- 

270 
Lindesay, John, 225 
Literature lotteries, 343 
Little Beard's Town, 281 
Little Falls, 41, 172, 232, 329 
Livingston, Philip, 178, 341 
Livingston, Robert, 163, 170-173, 

174, 295, 299, 300, 303, 305, 

306, 308-313, 341 
Livingston, William, 285 
Livingston Manor, 145 
Logan, 10 
Long, Col., 246 
Long Island, 106, 110, 165 
Longuit, 68 

Looekermans, Govert, 141 
Loudon, Lord, 51, 83-86, 94, 98 
Louisburg, 70, 71, 75, 86, 94 
Louisiana, 299, 301, 302, 304, 308, 

310-313, 324 
Loups, 5, 14 
Louverture, 303 

Lovelace, Gov. Francis, 147, 148 
Lutherans, 109, 119 
Lydius, John H., 74 
Lyman, Col. Phineas, 79, 82 

Mackinaw, 53 

Madison, James, 294, 297, 305, 

306, 308-310, 312 
Manchester, 247, 260, 265, 266 
Manhattan Island, 105-108, 110, 

113, 115, 122-124 
Mails, early, 148 
Maquas, 14 
Marbois, 308-310 
Marcy, Gov. William, 317, 360- 

362, 365 
Maricourt, 68 
Marin, 74, 90, 92 
Maryland, 83, 109, 158 
Massachusetts, 70, 72, 79, 114, 124, 

155, 158, 241, 252, 261, 338 



384 



INDEX 



Massasoit, 1 

Maumee, 53 

Maxwell, Gen. William, 276 

M 'Donald, Donald, 236, 279 

M'Kean, Capt., 235, 236 

McCrea, Jane, 260-262 

McGinnis, Capt., 82 

Meeker, Maj., 229 

Megapolensis, Eev. Johannes, 119, 

138 
Meilowacks, 13 
Melyn, Cornelius, 125-129 
Menominies, 5 
Mexico, 323 

Mey, Cornelius Jacobsen, 106, 108 
Miamis, 5, 13, 17, 33 
Michaelius, Eev. Jonas, 110 
Michilimackinae, 17 
Middleburgh, 233 
Milbourne, Jacob, 157-160, 164, 

165 
Milet, 194 
Mingoes, 14 

Minisink, 227-229, 278, 279 
Minisinks, 5 
Minsi, 13 
Minuit, Gov. Peter, 108-110, 112, 

129, 131 
Mississippi Eiver, 71, 304, 306, 

308, 311 
Mississippi Valley, 2, 99, 299, 300, 

301, 310 
Mohawk Eiver, 12, 60, 93, 188, 

190, 241 
Mohawk Valley, 62, 165, 216, 219, 

223, 232, 234, 237, 239, 242, 

251, 252, 259, 275, 277, 328 
Mohawks, 3, 4, 6, 13, 14, 21-23, 

25, 27-31, 37, 41, 51, 62, 66, 

80, 83, 102, 103, 122, 123, 151, 

233 
Mohegans, 5, 13, 15 
Mohicander Indians, 13 
Mohicans, 5 



MoncktoH, Col., 77, 79 

Monongahela, 76 

Monro, Col., 86-89 

Monroe, James, 305, 306, 308-310, 

312 
Montagnais, 5 
Montcalm, Marquis, 72, 83-90, 92, 

94, 96-98, 243 
Montezuma, 235 
Montgomery, James, 175, 176 
Montgomery County Historical 

Association, 41 
Montour, Capt., 45 
Montreal, 3, 19, 28, 32, 34, 52, 

60, 69, 70, 85, 93, 99, 100, 

175, 217, 253 
Morales, 303, 306 
Morgan, Gen, Daniel, 224, 244, 

267, 268, 270 
Morris, Gouverneur, 186, 295, 305, 

328, 341 
Morris, Lewis, 169, 177-179, 181 
Moses Creek, 231 

Mount Defiance, 96, 243, 244, 250 
Mount Independence, 243, 244, 246 
Mount Johnson, 48, 51 
Murphy, Timothy, 233, 234 

Nanticokes, 13 

Napoleon, 299-302, 306, 308, 310 

Narragansett Bay, 106 

Narragansetts, 5 

Narrows, the, 91 

Netherlands, 168 

Neutral Nation, 2, 3, 6, 13, 15, 16 

New Amsterdam, 28, 109, 110, 112, 

115-118, 124, 126-128, 130, 

133, 134, 144, 338, 340 
New England, 23, 35, 36, 60, 62, 

73, 109, 118, 120, 152, 168, 

262, 273 
New England Indians, 13, 17, 191, 

241 
New England Loyalists, 262 



385 



INDEX 



New Hampshire, 79, 296 

New Jersej^, 72, 124, 152, 241 

New Netherland, 108, 109, 112, 
114, 119, 120, 125, 126, 128, 
129, 131, 134, 136, 138, 139, 
141, 144, 145, 148, 338-340 

New Orleans, 299, 301-303, 305, 
306, 308-310 

New Utrecht, 340 

New York, 23, 24, 26, 34, 35, 60, 
62, 70-74, 79, 82, 147, 150, 
152-154, 158, 159, 174, 216, 
219, 241, 261, 265, 328, 329, 
333, 336, 338, 342, 343, 359 

New York Bay, 104, 105, 216 

New York City, 35, 41, 71, 109, 
137, 168, 242, 334 

New York Convention, 294, 301 

New Torlc Gazette, 175, 178 

New York Weekly Journal, 179, 
180 

Newburgh, 172 

Newtown, 279 

Niagara, 3, 32, 33, 46, 53, 54, 
60, 71, 78, 85, 89, 197, 198, 
232, 275, 280, 281, 336 

Niagara Eiver, 76 

Nicholson, Col. Francis, 40, 69, 
152-157, 159 

NicoUs, Col. Eichard, 133, 134, 
145, 147, 148, 159, 160 

Nicolls, William, 169 

Normal schools, 354, 359, 362-364 

North Eiver, 139 

Northern Trail, 214 

Nottaways, 2, 6 

Nutten Island, 116 

Nyack Indians, 13 

Oghwaga, 48, 49, 220, 224, 225, 

228 
Ohio Indians, 83 
Ohio Eiver, 12, 76 
Ohio Valley, 61, 62, 76, 99, 335 



Ojibways, 5, 16 

Clean, 335 

Oneidas, 3, 4, 6, 13, 14, 29, 31, 

98, 217, 223, 235, 238, 254 
Onondaga Castle, 52 
Onondagas, 3, 4, 6, 13, 14, 23-25, 

31, 37, 275, 277, 278 
Orange County, 165, 276, 279 
Oriskany, 216, 255-257, 259, 260, 

266 
Oswego, 37, 47, 51, 53, 60, 71, 72, 

78, 79, 84-86, 93, 98, 99, 197, 

198, 205, 233, 237, 241, 252, 

262, 329 
Oswego Canal, 334 
Oswego Eiver, 12, 78, 241, 252, 

329 
Otis, James, 167, 285 
Ottawas, 5, 13 
Owego, 55 

Palatine, 253 

Palatines, 171-174, 220, 253 

Paris, Col., 254 

Parkman, Francis, 26, 49, 59, 90, 

96 
Patroons, 111, 137, 339 
Pavonia, 122, 132, 136 
Pearl Street, 114 
Peck, Jedediah, 343, 346, 349, 350, 

355 
Peekskill, 242, 276 
Penn, William, 1, 149 
Penn Yan, 335 
Pennacooks, 5 
Pennsylvania, 3, 6, 83, 109, 241, 

273, 276 
Penobscot Bay, 103 
Pepperrell, William, 75, 76 
Pequots, 5, 13 

Peters, member of Congress, 325 
Philadelphia, 292 
Philipse, Frederick, 148, 155, 158, | 

159, 177, 178 



386 



INDEX 



Phillips, Lieut., 91 
Phips, Sir William, 70, 158 
Phratries, 9 
Pilgrims, 1, 124 
Pinekney, Charles, 305 
Pitt, William, 94 
Pittsburgh, 57, 76, 99, 275 
Pittsford, 247 
Planck, Jacob Albertsen, 137 
Plowman, Matthew, 154 
Plymouth, 118, 158 
Pocahontas, 1 
Point Iroquois, 17 
Pomeroy, Seth, 79, 90 
Pontiac, 1, 53 
Poor, General Enoch, 276 
Port Eoyal, 70 
Porter, Peter E., 331 
Pottawattamies, 5 
Poughkeepsie Convention, 269 
Powhatans, 5 
Praying Indians, 69 
Presque Isle, 53 
Prideaux, 99 
Prince of Orange, 141 
Princeton, 285 
Public School System, 337 
Puritans, 1, 305 

Putnam, Israel, 79, 90, 93, 95, 97, 
242 

Quakers, 129, 130, 170, 276 
Quebec, 3, 20, 25, 28, 29, 31, 62, 

63, 69-72, 100, 158, 174, 217 
Queen Anne, 170-172 
Queen Esther, 281 
Queen's Farm, 170 
Queens County, 118 
Queenstown Heights, 146 

Eangers, 90, 91, 93, 97 

Eed Jacket, 10 

Eegents of the University, 146, 

342, 343, 350, 352-355, 357, 

370 



Eensselaer County, 73, 111, 136 

Eensselaerswyck, 115, 119, 132, 
136-138, 141, 142, 144 

Eeport of Jedediah Peck and oth- 
ers on a system of common 
schools, 346-349 

Restless, the, 106 

Eevolution, the, 55, 85, 166, 216, 
217, 224, 257, 267, 273, 280, 
333, 342, 371 

Eheimensnyder 's Bush, 231 

Eice, Victor M., 357 

Eichelieu Eiver, 20 

Eiedesel, Gen., 242, 247, 262, 
263 

Eiver Indians, 13, 121, 122, 192 

Eoberts, Col., 75 

Eochester, 335 

Eockland County, 165 

Eoelentsen, Adam, 114, 339 

Eogers, Eichard, 90 

Eogers, Eobert, 90-92, 97 

Eogers Slide, 92 

Eome, 78, 86, 256, 331, 332, 335 

Eondout, 188 

Eondout Creek, 106 

Eoquemont, 63 

Eoss, Maj., 237-239 

Eoss, Sen. James, 304, 305 

Eoyal Grant, 41, 236 

Eussia, 323-325 

Eussian-American Company, 325 

Eutland, 247 

Eyswick, 76 

Sabbath Day Point, 91 
Sachems, 7-10 
Sacs, 5 
Saint-Foy, 100 
Sammons, 1 
Sammons, Lieut., ?37 
Samoset, 1 
Sandusky, 17, 53 
Sandy Hook, 104 



387 



INDEX 



Saratoga, 73-75, 194, 200, 216, 

244, 251, 260 
St. Clair, Gen. Arthur, 243-245, 

247, 260 
St. Cloud, 308 
St. Croix, 284 
St. Domingo, 301-303, 323 
St. Ignace, 16 
St. Ignatius, 102 
St. Johns, 73, 217, 242, 243 
St. Johnsville, 235 
St. Joseph, 16, 53 
St. Lawrence River, 19, 20, 25, 34, 

47, 60, 70, 76, 241, 253, 336 
St. Lawrence Valley, 3 
St. Leger, 241, 242, 251-260, 262, 

266, 268 
St. Louis, 16, 69 
St. Mary's, 53 
St. Thomas, 323 
Schaghticoke, 73 
Schenectady, 28, 37, 41, 63, 64, 

73, 78, 132, 158, 277, 329 
Schenectady Massacre, 65 
Schoharie, 219, 228, 230, 232 
Schoharie County, 237 
Schoharie Creek, 12, 164, 173, 190, 

233 
Schoharie Valley, 174, 239 
School, the first, 340 
School Commissioner, 356 
School examinations, 369-370 
School hours, 340 
School libraries, 364-369 
Schoolmaster, the, 339, 340 
Schools, supervision of, 355, 356 
Schuyler, Abraham, 69 
Schuyler, Capt. John, 66 
Schuyler, Gen. Philip, 73, 95, 242, 

244, 245, 247, 248, 251, 252, 

258, 260, 267, 268, 274, 284 
Schuyler, Hon Yost, 259 
Schuyler, Maj. Peter, 37, 66, 67, 

71, 74, 75, 165 



Schuyler, Peter, Jr., 175 

Schuylerville, 69, 217, 270 

Scotch-Irish, 41, 220 

Scotch Presbyterians, 129 

Sedgwick, Maj., 70 

Seneca Castle, 281 

Seneca Chief, 332 

Seneca River, 3, 332 

Senecas, 2, 3, 5, 6, 13, 14, 17, 31- 

33, 46, 53, 54, 71, 151, 197- 

199, 227, 257, 275, 280-282 
Seward, William H., 314-322, 326, 

362, 365, 366 
Sharon Center, 228 
Sharon Springs, 237 
Shaw, Albert, 191 
Shawnees, 5, 13, 83 
Shell, John Christian, 236 
Shell's Bush, 236 
Sheoquaga, 281 
Shirley, Governor, 47, 50, 51, 77 

79, 83, 84, 200 
Sioux, 2 
Sitka, 325 
Six Nations, 6, 51-54, 72, 77, 197- 

199, 201-203, 205, 216, 224, 

254, 259, 273, 280 
Skene, Maj. Philip, 250, 263 
Skenesborough, 246-250, 260 
Sloughter, Gov. Henry, 158-161 
Smith, Col. William, 165 
Smith, John, 1, 103 
Smith, Melancthon, 295, 297 
Smith, William, 175, 177-181 
Smits, Claes, 121, 125 
Sons of Liberty, 216, 285 
South Bay, 74, 80, 82, 92, 246, 250 
Spain, 58, 102, 105, 108, 118, 302, 

305, 308, 312 
Spottswood, Gov., 196 
Springfield, 220, 222 
Squanto, 1 
Stadt Huys, 119 
Stanwix, Gen., 252 



388 



INDEX 



stark, John, 79, 90, 95, 97, 264- 

266 
State scholarships, 371, 374 
Staten Island, 121, 132, 133, 154 
Staten Island Indians, 13 
States-General, 107, 108, 111, 118, 

128, 129, 136, 144, 145, 339 
Stevens, Thaddeus, 317 
Stillwater, 73, 251, 266, 268 
Stockwell, Maj., 258 
Stone Arabia, |228, 235, 238 
Stony Point, 23, 217 
Street, Alfred, 18 
Stricklands Plain, 124 
Stuyvesant, Gerardus, 178 
Stuyvesant, Peter, 58, 106, 108, 

110, 126-134, 136, 137, 139- 

144 
Subercase, 34 
Sugar Loaf Mountain, 245 
Sullivan, Gen. John, 224, 228, 274- 

280 
destruction by, 279, 282 
expedition of, 227, 273, 327 
Superintendent of common schools, 

350, 351, 357, 360, 369 
Supervision of rural schools, 337 
Susquehanna Eiver, 2, 5, 55, 150, 

189, 224, 225, 228, 233, 237, 

239, 275-278, 318 
Susquehanna Valley, 3, 49, 224, 

233 
Susquehannocks, 3, 6, 13 
Swedes, 58, 131 
Symonds, Col., 265 

Talleyrand, 301, 306, 308, 309 
Talmadge, Lieut., 65 
Tappan Indians, 13 
Teachers' institutes, 357-359 
Teachers' licenses, 341, 369, 370, 

371 
Tecumseh, 1 
Tennessee, 2, 303 



"The Fields," 285 

Three Rivers, 33 

Three Saints, 325 

Ticonderoga, 13, 19, 21, 23, 25, 
30, 62, 63, 80, 83-86, 90-92, 
94, 95, 97-100, 102, 216, 217, 
243-245, 247, 250, 260, 262 

Tierondequoit, 198 

Tiger, the, 106 

Tioga Point, 224, 233, 275-278 

Tobacco Nation, 2, 3, 6, 13, 16 

Tompkins, Gov. Daniel, 331, 
341 

Toronto, 72 

Towanda Creek, 55 

Townsend, Henry, 130 

Tracy, 29, 30, 32 

Training classes, 363, 364 

Trent, Capt., 76 

Trent River, 23 

Trinity Church, 115, 137, 161, 165, 
170, 176 

Trout Brook, 91, 97 

Trumbull, Col., 245 

Tryon County, 239, 258 

Tuscaroras, 2, 6, 196 

Tusten, Col., 229 

"Twelve Select Men," 122, 125 

Ulster, 228 

Ulster County, 165, 237 

Unadilla, 55, 223-225, 228, 233 

Unadilla Forks, 55 

Unadilla Eiver, 55, 225, 233, 

235 
Underbill, John, 118, 124 
Unification, 354, 357, 374 
Union, 278 
Union College, 344 
Union free schools, 354, 371 
United New Netherland Company, 

115 
United People, 14 
Unity, the, 137 



389 



INDEX 



Utica, 14, 254, 329, 332, 333 
Utrecht, 76 

Vaillant, 68 

Valires, Martin D., 15 

Van Brugge, Carl, 142 

Van Corlear, Arendt, 132, 138 

Van Courtlandt, Col. Philip, 228 

Van Courtlandt, Stephen, 148, 155, 

158, 159 
Van Curler (See Van Corlear) 
Van Dam, Kip, 175, 176, 178, 179, 

181 
Van Eensselaer, Gen. Eobert, 234, 

235 
Van Eensselaer, Jan Baptiste, 137, 

142 
Van Eensselaer, Kiliaen, 111, 113, 

119, 136, 137-139, 142-145 
Van Eensselaer, Stephen, 145, 146, 

329 
Van Eensselaer Manor, 141, 143- 

145, 190 
Van Schaick, Col., 228, 277 
Van Schaick 's Mills, 264 
Van Slichtenhorst, 142-144 
Van Tienhoven, 122 
Van Twiller, Wouter, 113-115 
Van Veere, Maryn Andriaensen, 

138 
Vandreuil, 34 
Varick, Col., 245 
Venango, 53 
Verhulst, William, 108 
Vermont, 164, 246, 261, 263, 275 
Verrazano, 105 

Vesey, Eev. William, 165, 170, 171 
Vetch, Samuel, 69 
Vimont, Father, 28 
Virginia, 2, 83, 118, 273, 296 
Visscher, Col. Frederick, 254, 255 

Waldenses, 129 
Walker, Admiral, 70 



Wall Street, 124 

Wallabout Bay, 110 

Wallkill Kiver, 106, 188 

Walloomsac Eiver, 265 

Walloons, 109, 110, 191 

Wampanoago, 5 

Warner, Col. Seth, 246, 247, 260, 

265 
Warren, Sir Peter, 39, 75, 76 
Warren's Bush, 237 
Warwarsing, 228 
Washburne, Member of Congress, 

324, 325 
Washington, Gen., 76, 251, 266-268, 

271, 273, 274, 284, 286-288, 

290-293, 298, 328 
Washington County, 164 
Webb, Gen., 51, 83-87, 89, 90, 

98 
Webster, Daniel, 247 
Weed, Thurlow, 316, 317 
Weisenberg, Catherine, 42 
Wells, Eobert, 226 
West Canada Creek, 41, 222, 

238 
West Florida, 302, 305, 310 
West Point, 241, 271 
West Virginia, 76 
Westchester County, 118 
Weston, William, 329 
Wheelock, Dr., 46 
Whitehall, 66 
Whitestown, 254, 333 
Willett, Col., 237, 238, 253, 257, 

278 
Willetts, Thomas, 118 
William and Mary, 152-156 
Williams, Ephraim, 79-81 
Wilmot, Col., 53 
Winslow, 51 

Winthrop, Fitz John, 65, 66, 158 
Wolfe, Gen., 85, 94, 99, 100 
Wood Creek, 12, 60, 69, 78, 86, 

249, 252 



390 



INDEX 



Woodstock, 229 

Woodworth, Capt. Solomon, 235- 

236 
Woolsey, Maj., 233, 234 
Wright, Gov. Silas, 336 



Wyandots, 17 
Wyoming, 275, 276 

Yates, John Van Ness, 275, 350 
Zenger, John Peter, 179-184, 186 



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